Business

No Image

College Access Index Shows Shrinking Levels Of Economic Diversity

NPR’s Robert Siegel speaks with New York Times columnist David Leonhardt about how this year’s college access index shows that economic diversity is shrinking at American colleges.

ROBERT SIEGEL, HOST:

How economically diverse are America’s colleges? That’s a question The New York Times has been asking in an annual survey the paper’s been doing for the past couple of years. The big takeaway this year, according to Times columnist David Leonhardt, is that economic diversity at the nation’s public, four-year colleges is on the decline. And David Leonhardt joins us.

Welcome to the program.

DAVID LEONHARDT: Thank you.

SIEGEL: First, tell us how you measure economic diversity in colleges.

LEONHARDT: There is a scholarship called the Pell Grant. It’s the largest federal scholarship. And colleges have to report how many of their students receive Pell Grants. That means their students come from roughly the bottom 50 percent or bottom 40 percent of the income distribution.

SIEGEL: And what are the colleges that you’re measuring?

LEONHARDT: We restricted this to colleges with a five-year graduation rate of at least 75 percent. And it’s actually depressing how few colleges fit that category – only about 170.

SIEGEL: Public colleges and universities have historically provided a crucial step up in the economic and social scale for young Americans of modest means. How big a decline are you seeing in economic diversity?

LEONHARDT: At some schools, it’s actually fairly shocking. At the University of California in San Diego, the Pell share of the freshmen class fell from 46 percent to 26 percent. And the reason is pretty clear – budget cuts from state governments.

SIEGEL: Meaning that more applicants just can’t attend or the colleges can’t help them pay for it? What is the mechanism there?

LEONHARDT: It’s sort of all of the above. With less money, colleges have less money to enroll lower-income kids. So some of them are going out and recruiting more affluent kids actively. Others are probably not admitting the lower-income kids. But I find this really worrisome because investments in education, historically, have really paid for themselves. And the idea that we’re making it harder for lower and middle-income Americans to go to flagship public universities strikes me as really short-sighted and self-defeating.

SIEGEL: This is the third annual New York Times survey. You’re seeing this trend just over three surveys, or has it been going on longer than that?

LEONHARDT: It’s been going on longer than that. So what happened with public colleges is that when the financial crisis hit in the 2009, 2010 window, a lot of states cut their budgets. They have stopped cutting them, but state support for higher education is still down 18 percent since 2008.

SIEGEL: Now, you’ve written about some increases in the share of students with Pell Grants at several private colleges and universities. And you say that successes don’t necessarily track with the size of a university or a college’s endowment. But despite some exceptions, from what I could see, all of the top 10 Pell Grant enrollments in private colleges are the predictable elite colleges. They were all Ivy’s or Amherst, Williams, elite women’s colleges.

LEONHARDT: Well, there are two different things that go into our ranking. One is the share of kids getting Pell Grants; the other is the cost. And you’re absolutely right. The colleges with the biggest endowments, places like Harvard and Stanford and Princeton, they charge the least for low-income kids, once you take financial aid into account. But when you look at how many Pell students they actually enroll, there’s more variation there. There are schools without huge endowments that are actually doing a better job enrolling poor kids than schools with bigger endowments. Vassar, Franklin and Marshall – these are schools that are not nearly as wealthy and yet they’re actually more economically diverse. And I think they really deserve praise for doing that.

SIEGEL: You’re measuring economic diversity. For years, we were more accustomed to seeing people measure racial, minority diversity. Do you think that such measures would track very closely to the rate of Pell Grants, or might the rate of African-American and Latino students be different from these measures of economic diversity?

LEONHARDT: I do think there would be real differences there. So if you look at the history of higher education, for a long time, these elite institutions excluded women, African-Americans, Latinos, Jews, just huge parts of the population. Starting in the late 1960s, into the ’70s and ’80s, they did much better on that score. The reason we started this is that the data suggests they haven’t done as well making progress on economic diversity as they have on racial diversity. And so while they enroll kids of every religion, every race, every region, often those kids are diverse in every way except economically. And we wanted to capture this other aspect of it.

SIEGEL: David Leonhardt of The New York Times, thanks for talking with us.

LEONHARDT: Thank you.

Copyright © 2017 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by Verb8tm, Inc., an NPR contractor, and produced using a proprietary transcription process developed with NPR. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.

Let’s block ads! (Why?)


No Image

Trump Hopes To Lure Companies Back To The U.S.With Lower Tax Rates

A key part of President Trump’s tax plan is to repatriate corporate profits held overseas back to the U.S. With the lure of lower corporate rates, the idea is that companies will free up overseas earnings and instead invest in jobs and equipment in the U.S. A similar scheme was tried during the administration of George W. Bush, but companies used most of the money on stock buybacks or to pay dividends to shareholders.

ROBERT SIEGEL, HOST:

American companies have stashed an estimated $2.6 trillion in foreign profits overseas to avoid paying corporate taxes in the U.S. President Trump wants to cut the tax rate to encourage companies to bring that money here. He says it would boost investment and create jobs. As NPR’s John Ydstie reports, history suggests otherwise.

JOHN YDSTIE, BYLINE: It’s a pile of money worth more than the yearly economic output of countries like France and the United Kingdom. Under U.S. law, companies owe a 35 percent tax on those foreign profits, but they can defer the tax by holding the money overseas. President Trump’s tax overhaul proposal aims to get it back, as Treasury Secretary Mnuchin explained in late April.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

STEVEN MNUCHIN: We will have a one-time tax on overseas profits which will bring back trillions of dollars that are offshore to be invested here in the United States to purchase capital and to create jobs.

YDSTIE: During the campaign, President Trump said it would be a phenomenal thing.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: By taxing it at 10 percent instead of 35 percent, all of this money will come roaring back into our country, and lots of good things will start to happen.

YDSTIE: But it turns out it’s not a new idea. Back in 2004, under President George W. Bush, Washington enacted a similar tax break that promised the same things.

C FRITZ FOLEY: It’s called the Homeland Investment Act. It was also referred to as the American Job Creation Act.

YDSTIE: Harvard Business School professor C. Fritz Foley says that law temporarily reduced the tax on foreign profits to just 5.25 percent. And it’s specified that the repatriated money be used only for investments in the United States. Five years later, Foley co-authored a report that found the so-called tax holiday did not result in new investments and new jobs.

FRITZ FOLEY: We found that the money that was repatriated was not associated with increased capital expenditures, increased employment or increased research and development.

YDSTIE: Instead, Foley says, the money was used to pay dividends to shareholders or buy back shares in companies. Foley says there was probably some economic benefit in that as shareholders reinvested their payouts or increased their consumption. So the tax holiday did not live up to its billing, Foley says, but it did provide one more sign that the U.S. corporate tax system needs to be fixed.

FRITZ FOLEY: We badly need tax reform, international tax reform here in the United States. Our system puts our companies at a disadvantage. And this holiday was a temporary relief from some of the distortions that our tax system imposes.

YDSTIE: Joseph Rosenberg of the Tax Policy Center says there is broad agreement that corporate tax policy needs an overhaul.

JOSEPH ROSENBERG: Unfortunately, that’s about where the agreement ends.

YDSTIE: In fact, Republicans and business groups are fighting among themselves right now over how to proceed. Foley and Rosenberg agree that a lower tax on profits currently stashed overseas would make sense as part of broader tax reform, but Rosenberg is concerned that broad reform might fail, and the temporary tax holiday might survive.

ROSENBERG: That would be unfortunate because it really does not address the fundamental problems of the corporate tax system and in some ways makes it much worse.

YDSTIE: Because if it did unfold that way, it would reinforce the notion among companies that it’s a good idea to build another hoard of cash overseas and just wait for the next tax holiday. John Ydstie, NPR News, Washington.

Copyright © 2017 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by Verb8tm, Inc., an NPR contractor, and produced using a proprietary transcription process developed with NPR. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.

Let’s block ads! (Why?)


No Image

South Korean Youth Struggle To Find Jobs After Years Of Studying For Tests

Students try out a Samsung Electronics Galaxy S8 Plus smartphone at a shop in Seoul, South Korea, on April 27. Many post-college grads in South Korea spend years studying for tests in the hopes of winning a job at a company like Samsung.

Ahn Young-joon/AP

hide caption

toggle caption

Ahn Young-joon/AP

Lim Hyuk-ju lives in a tiny apartment in a bustling student neighborhood of South Korea’s capital, Seoul.

The apartment is just 30 sq. ft. — basically a walk-in closet with a toilet, shower and shared kitchen — for $400 a month.

“It’s uncomfortable, because when I lay down my legs hit the back wall,” explains Lim, 25.

She has to be quiet because the walls are thin. Lim’s neighbors are all young people like her, studying 15 hours a day for job entrance exams.

Lim graduated at the top of her high school class. She wants to be an accountant. So for now, her parents support her on a path that’s typical for young South Koreans: Study for months or years to pass exams for jobs in government, or in big family-run Korean conglomerates like Samsung, LG and Hyundai.

“All these tests, and memorizing the right answers,” says Lim, “I sometimes wonder if this is really the only way to succeed.”

Lim Hyuk-ju, 25, in her 30 sq. ft. apartment in Seoul. Lim pays $400 a month for this tiny space, where she studies 15 hours a day for job entry exams. Her path is similar to many youth in South Korea, where unemployment among 15- to 29-year-olds is nearly three times the overall rate.

Lauren Frayer/NPR

hide caption

toggle caption

Lauren Frayer/NPR

South Korea’s economy has slowed, and it appears to have hurt young people the most. Some 11.3 percent of youth aged 15 to 29 are out of work. That’s nearly three times the overall jobless rate.

A new liberal president, Moon Jae-in, won office earlier this month, with huge support from young voters. Now one of his first tasks — on top of dealing with nuclear-armed North Korea — is to improve the economic prospects for young South Koreans.

Big conglomerates, or chaebols, run South Korea’s economy. Sales revenue from the top five chaebols amounted to 58 percent of South Korea’s GDP in 2015. And it’s not only cellphones and cars. In Korea, there’s a Samsung art gallery and a Samsung amusement park. You can buy life insurance from Samsung. In the case of Hyundai, the big Korean carmaker, the company also runs a hospital in Seoul. LG, another electronics giant, also has a Korean cosmetics line — and dozens of other businesses and subsidiaries.

“They’re just giant conglomerates that control so much of the economy on a scale just not seen in a lot of the world,” says Geoffrey Cain, who trained as an anthropologist and is writing a book about Samsung.

Cain says South Korea’s conglomerates are so pervasive, they squeeze out smaller businesses.

“They can basically tell a small business to supply them a part and just pay them whatever they want, and then pay them whenever they want, and give them a terrible contract,” he says.

Small businesses struggle to grow.

“So that’s what creates so few job opportunities,” Cain says.

For many Korean youth, it’s the dream of a job-for-life with a big conglomerate — or nothing at all. As the economy slows, there aren’t enough jobs for all the college graduates here. So many turn to test-taking, as competition rises.

Like Lim in her tiny apartment, many Koreans study for years. Hyundai requires a six-hour exam, just to get your foot in the door. Samsung has its own version of the SAT.

President Moon won office May 9 in part on a promise to ease youth unemployment by creating more public sector jobs. But some economists say that’s only a short-term fix.

“Job creation should be [by] business, not the government,” says Kim Gwang-Suk, an economist and professor at Seoul’s Hanyang University. “In the long term, all the government should do is make an environment in which companies can invest more.”

Kim says the new president should help small businesses, boost entrepreneurship, and reform the conglomerates. On the campaign trail, Moon promised to do just that. But the conglomerates remain the backbone of the Korean economy. It’s unclear whether he really has the will or ability to change them.

In the test prep section of a big Seoul bookstore, young people sit on the floor, pouring over test materials on a Saturday morning.

“As the economy goes bad, there aren’t many good jobs, and the competition is fierce,” says Baek Eui-hyun.

He’s 28 and still unemployed, after studying for two years for a public administration exam. He failed twice, and is browsing for other tests he might take. He says young Koreans are frustrated.

“Of course they don’t want to spend their time being stuck in a tiny room studying books for exams,” he says. “But there aren’t any alternatives.”

The President Moon’s success may be measured not only in how he deals with North Korea, but in the alternatives he offers some of his youngest voters.

Let’s block ads! (Why?)


No Image

Latest College Graduates Enter A More Optimistic Economy

Harvard Business School professor Mihir Desai says the unemployment rate is the lowest its been in a decade. He speaks with NPR’s Michel Martin about the increasing options for recent graduates.

MICHEL MARTIN, HOST:

As the class of 2017 prepares to enter the job market, there is some good news waiting for them. The unemployment rate is the lowest it’s been since 2007, but these students have also come of age during a recession followed by a sluggish recovery. So we were wondering how all this could be affecting these freshly minted graduates and job seekers.

To talk about this, we called Mihir Desai. He’s a professor at the Harvard Business School. He has a new book out called “The Wisdom Of Finance.” But we called him because he published a piece this week in The Crimson, Harvard’s student newspaper. In the spirit of full disclosure, that was my first journalism gig. Professor Mihir Desai, thank you so much for joining us.

MIHIR DESAI: Thanks so much. It’s a pleasure.

MARTIN: So the last time the unemployment numbers were this low, these students were in third grade. Do you see an impact on this generation of having grown up in this timeframe?

DESAI: Yeah. I think part of what’s happened is they don’t allocate as much importance to economic outcomes that, perhaps, previous generations did. So they grew up in an era of reduced expectations in some ways. And as a consequence, they look for different ways to fill their life up which is not purely professional.

In some ways, that’s quite helpful. On the other hand, it is a time in their life when they really should be dedicating themselves to building the human capital that will last them through the rest of their lives.

MARTIN: And let me get to the piece that caught our eye which is the piece that you posted in The Crimson, “The Trouble With Optionality” which is a way of saying – can you break it down in layman’s terms for us – what? – hedging your bets?

DESAI: Yeah, exactly.

MARTIN: Keeping your options open?

DESAI: Yeah. So the number of young people I see who talk about maximizing optionality which is just a fancy way of saying I want to make sure and have as many options as possible, so I think that sounds like a great strategy. But what I’ve observed over the last several years is these people become obsessed with optionality, you know, with having options. And instead of doing what we think that we do, which is enable risk-taking, you know, which is what options are supposed to be able to do. Right? You don’t acquire options just for their own use. You do it, so you can actually take on big risks. What I observed these people doing is just habitually acquiring options. They just get so used to the process of acquiring options that they never really execute on this larger vision of what they want.

So part of what I wanted to do in the piece is say, look, that’s not the right way to think about this. In fact, when you do these things that acquire options, for example, working at prestigious firms – these are, again, for the elite graduates going to grad school – you know, your social network, yes that’s wonderful. It allows you to have a lot of optionality. But don’t forget that the really great things in life come from big, risky investments. And I think that’s a really important piece of what people are missing out on. And in particular, you can get stuck. You can get stuck in a place where you think you’re maximizing your options, and then you wake up. And you’re, you know – you’re still there 20 years later.

MARTIN: That was going to be my last question. It’s commencement season, and everybody from Hillary Clinton to Will Ferrell is – as we just heard – are offering advice to recent graduates. So any other advice that I didn’t have the wit to squeeze out of you to this point?

DESAI: Well, yeah. It is – it’s always remarkable how in some ways consistent graduation advices, and, in some ways, that makes it anodyne, but that doesn’t make it any less true, which is the pursuit of things that we truly love is the secret to professional happiness and blocking out the noise.

I guess that’s one thing I would add which is there is so much noise out there, noise about what, you know, the unemployment rate is or noise about what you should be doing with your life or noise about what your friends are doing or what your parents want you to do. Just block it all out. Look inside yourself. Find out who you are and pursue that. So block out all the noise I think is an important piece of it as well.

MARTIN: That was Mihir Desai, professor at the Harvard Business School. His latest book is “The Wisdom Of Finance: Discovering Humanity In The World Of Risk And Return.” And as we said that we also called him for his piece posted in The Crimson, “The Trouble With Optionality.” Professor Desai, thank you so much for speaking with us.

DESAI: Thanks so much Michel.

Copyright © 2017 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by Verb8tm, Inc., an NPR contractor, and produced using a proprietary transcription process developed with NPR. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.

Let’s block ads! (Why?)


No Image

Episode 774: Unspeakable Trademark

Simon Tam of The Slants.

Ariel Zambelich/NPR

hide caption

toggle caption

Ariel Zambelich/NPR

Warning: This episode has explicit language, for unavoidable and soon-to-be obvious reasons.

Growing up in California, Simon Tam had some tough moments. He was Chinese-American, and in middle school, kids called him all kinds of racial slurs.

Those moments stuck with him.

Simon grew up, and eventually started a band that was beginning to take off. He decided on a band name that said something about being Asian. Something that asserted an identity. He picked “The Slants,” as a way to own a stereotype and turn it into something completely different.

There was a problem, though. Other bands started using the same name.

So in 2010, Simon did what artists and companies do when there’s confusion over their name. He applied to register for a trademark with the federal government.

But, it was rejected because the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office said it was disparaging to people of Asian descent.

This is the agency that decides what gets to be registered as a trademark. And that involves making all kinds of calls about racial slurs, homophobic putdowns, and sexist language.

Today on the show, a fight over a band name that turns into a fight about free speech. It goes all the way to the Supreme Court.

Music: The Slants’ “Endlessly Falling” “From the Heart,” and “Faded Dreams.” Find us: Twitter/ Facebook.

Subscribe to our show on Apple Podcasts or PocketCast.

Let’s block ads! (Why?)


No Image

LeBron James' Return To Cleveland Illustrates Remarkable Economic Experiment

Professional sports generate a tremendous amount of money, but it’s tricky to know exactly what part of sports generates that money. LeBron James unintentionally ran a nearly perfect economic experiment by unexpectedly leaving Cleveland and then, three years later, returning with almost no warning. A pair of economists have now used James’ prodigal son data to look at the financial impact a single superstar can have on a local economy.

ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:

The Cleveland Cavaliers and Boston Celtics tip off tonight. If the Cavs win they’ll go to the NBA finals for the third time in a row. Some economists are among the people watching. They say star player LeBron James has let them run a remarkable experiment. Here’s Kenny Malone from our Planet Money podcast.

KENNY MALONE, BYLINE: Daniel Shoag is a Harvard economist, but also a diehard Cleveland Cavaliers fan.

DANIEL SHOAG: There were some great days and some pretty dark days (laughter).

MALONE: You may recall the heartbreaking career path of LeBron James – started in Cleveland, left Cleveland.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

LEBRON JAMES: And this fall I’m going to take my talents to South Beach.

MALONE: And then four years later came back to Cleveland.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

UNIDENTIFIED ANNOUNCER: Cleveland is a city of champions once again.

MALONE: Economists have spent decades studying the business of sports. Is a new stadium worth the cost? Does a championship create jobs? But LeBron James allowed them to test something new – the economic impact of a single player, or as the working paper calls it, local externalities from a superstar athlete because here was the same guy in the same city – there, then gone, then there again.

SHOAG: Because he’s returning to the same place – you know, the correct place – there’s one less thing to worry about econometrically.

MALONE: Now, to show you the LeBron effect that Shoag and his co-author found, I visited one of the many, many bars and restaurants in their study.

MIKE MILLER: See how – up here?

MALONE: This is Mike Miller, the owner of a bar called Wilbert’s. It’s about 500 feet from the Cavs arena. And Miller is looking up at the ceiling, squinting at some brownish splatter stains.

MILLER: I would think it looks like beer.

MALONE: It’s a dark beer, though.

MILLER: Yeah.

MALONE: Booze on the ceiling, it turns out, a leading indicator of the LeBron effect. The study found that bars and restaurants like this, right next to the stadium, they got crushed when LeBron James left.

MILLER: And I think it ended up cutting close to 80.

MALONE: Eighty percent?

MILLER: Yeah. Yeah. Yeah, it was bad.

MALONE: Miller was writing resumes, looking for a new job, but then LeBron James came home.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

UNIDENTIFIED ANNOUNCER: As we come up on a minute remaining…

MALONE: The first time that booze ceiling thing happened at Wilbert’s it was a Sunday when the bar typically would have been closed. But it was packed with Cavs fans watching LeBron win the team’s first championship.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

UNIDENTIFIED ANNOUNCER: It’s over. It’s over.

MILLER: Oh, my God, there was alcohol flying everywhere. I couldn’t believe it.

MALONE: I mean, how high up is that, 10 feet?

MILLER: Yeah, that’s got to be 10 feet. Yeah.

MALONE: Sign of success.

MILLER: I guess so.

MALONE: The LeBron study found a nearly 25 percent increase in employment for businesses like Wilbert’s near the stadium. And the LeBron economists give the credit to LeBron coming back. They know this because of the natural experiment of leaving and coming back. And it takes something like this to really study the economic impact of sports because unfortunately, they don’t just hand billion-dollar sports franchises over to academics.

BRAD HUMPHREYS: Now, we – I mean, ideally they would put me in charge as the sports czar of the country and I would just randomly move teams around.

MALONE: You would be a cruel czar.

HUMPHREYS: Well, fans would hate me, right.

MALONE: Brad Humphreys is a sports economist at West Virginia University and says LeBron is a great example of one of these naturally occurring experiments. Another is from 2004 and 2005, when the National Hockey League had a lockout. Because of a labor dispute, there suddenly was no professional hockey for people to spend their money on.

HUMPHREYS: But those people who would’ve gone to NHL games went to minor league baseball games. They went to the movies. They went to a bowling alley. They went to an art gallery.

MALONE: In other words, hockey wasn’t creating new spending. It was attracting money people were already going to spend. Humphreys says that’s almost certainly the case with the LeBron effect as well. Daniel Shoag, the co-author of that LeBron paper, says that one of the lessons here is that we tend to focus a lot on the financial impact of a stadium, but it really does matter who’s playing in that stadium. That’s his lesson, at least, as an economist. His lesson as a Cavaliers fan…

SHOAG: I guess this just shows that LeBron should never leave again.

MALONE: Is that your conclusion?

SHOAG: I think that’s a pretty reasonable conclusion, yeah (laughter). I’m not sure I needed the data to show me that.

MALONE: Kenny Malone, NPR News.

(SOUNDBITE OF HOT 8 BRASS BAND’S “IT’S REAL – LACK OF AFRO REMIX”)

Copyright © 2017 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by Verb8tm, Inc., an NPR contractor, and produced using a proprietary transcription process developed with NPR. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.

Let’s block ads! (Why?)


No Image

Boom Time Again For U.S. Oil Industry, Thanks To OPEC

Pumpjacks in North Dakota’s Bakken oil patch extract oil from deep underground. Oil production has grown nationally in recent months to 9.3 million barrels of oil per day.

Amy Sisk/Prairie Public Broadcasting

hide caption

toggle caption

Amy Sisk/Prairie Public Broadcasting

Oil producers across the country are watching to see what OPEC does at its meeting in Vienna this week, since the cartel of oil-exporting countries has recently played a big role in turning around a two-year U.S. slump.

There are more than twice as many U.S. rigs drilling for oil as a year ago, a turnaround that’s felt keenly in places like the Bakken oil patch in North Dakota. Cigarettes and chewing tobacco are flying off the shelves of the gas station Angela Neuman manages in the town of Williston.

“Now there are so many new people, I cannot get a handle on that,” she laughs.

A year ago the price of oil was so low that it made drilling less profitable. Production dropped and companies in North Dakota and elsewhere made painful layoffs.

Across Williston, at the Winterton Suites hotel, sometimes there was only a guest or two, and the price plunged from $300 a night to the bargain rate of $100.

“We almost actually thought we were going to lose it for a little bit,” says Winterton’s manager Chelsey Crozier.

Occupancy has ticked back up this spring.

“Of course, [it’s] not as crazy as it was,” she says, “but it’s doing better.”

In the dizzying boom-bust cycle of the oil industry, things were crazy busy here a few years back, when a barrel of oil was around $100. But that led to a surge in production that flooded the market, pushing the price of oil down. That’s when OPEC stepped in to boost prices by cutting its own production, and Russia followed suit.

“Effectively, these cuts that were put into place last fall are being filled in by other countries,” including the U.S., says Eugene Graner, with Heartland Investor Capital Management in Bismarck.

U.S. production has risen to 9.3 million barrels of oil per day, close to the level before prices plummeted.

When OPEC meets Thursday, it’s expected to keep its cuts in place. Graner says that would help ensure this mini-boom in the U.S. keeps going, though he does not foresee another spike in the price of oil.

President Trump has promised to unleash the energy industry by lifting all kinds of regulations. His full rollback has not happened yet. But energy analyst Trisha Curtis with PetroNerds says Trump’s move to approve the Dakota Access Pipeline is helpful.

“That gives sort of a green light,” she says. “If you were a little hesitant on the Bakken on activity or development, that certainly is a game changer.”

The Dakota Access Pipeline is slated to come online next week. It will make transporting Bakken oil cheaper, and allow it to more easily reach a new market in the Gulf Coast.

In North Dakota, this means a lot more jobs will be needed to produce that oil. At the Job Service North Dakota office in Williston, customer service representatives are busy taking applications.

“Over 150 jobs we posted this week,” says manager Cindy Sanford.

That’s more jobs than there are local workers, she says, and the openings keep coming.

Amy Sisk reports for Prairie Public Broadcasting and forInside Energy,a public media collaboration focused on America’s energy issues. You can follow her@amyrsisk.

Let’s block ads! (Why?)


No Image

Congress and Farmers Are Shocked By Proposed USDA Cuts

A tractor pulls a planter through a field as corn is planted in Princeton, Ill.

Daniel Acker/Bloomberg/Getty Images

hide caption

toggle caption

Daniel Acker/Bloomberg/Getty Images

Top officials at the U.S. Department of Agriculture didn’t even try to act enthusiastic as they unveiled details of their agency’s proposed 2018 budget, which includes drastic cuts in spending. “We’re going to do the best we can,” said Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue. “It’s my job to implement that plan.”

The broad outlines of this budget, with its 20 percent cut in the USDA’s discretionary spending, had been released two months ago. This week, it became clear exactly what the Trump administration wants to cut: agricultural research, food aid for the poor, and programs that benefit small rural communities.

The budget also includes a surprise that’s particularly unwelcome to big Midwestern farmers. It proposes new restrictions on government-subsidized crop insurance, a program that is particular favorite of grain farmers. The changes, which would require congressional approval, would limit the ability of large farmers to take advantage of those programs and cut government subsidies by more than $2.5 billion each year.

In a statement, the American Farm Bureau Federation said that “this budget fails agriculture and rural America.” Similar criticism came from the American Soybean Association and the National Corn Growers Association.

The impact of those cuts, however, is dwarfed by proposed restrictions on the SNAP program, which helps the poor buy food. Those changes would cut SNAP spending by $4.6 billion in 2018, increasing to more than $20 billion annually by 2022.

The budget reduces funding for the Agricultural Research Service by $360 million, or 26 percent. This would mean closing the doors at 17 research centers.

It also completely eliminates the country’s flagship program of international food aid, called Food For Peace. The current USDA budget includes $1.7 billion for that program.

All of this, of course, is merely a proposal for Congress to consider, and by all indications, Congress is inclined to reject much of it. The Republican chairmen of the agricultural committees in both the Senate and the House released a muted joint statement that said nothing at all about the proposal itself, but promised to “fight to ensure farmers have a strong safety net.” They also pledged “to take a look at our nutrition assistance programs to ensure that they are helping the most vulnerable in our society” — a signal that they hope to revive the rural-urban coalition in Congress that has traditionally defended a package of food aid and farm subsidies.

Congressman Collin Peterson (D-MN) said in a statement that “this budget is going nowhere on Capitol Hill but it is still a statement of priorities and should be of concern to all rural Americans.” Sen. Debbie Stabenow (D-MI) called it “harsh and short-sighted.”

Let’s block ads! (Why?)


No Image

White House To Release 'Taxpayer First' Budget Plan, With Cuts To Safety Nets

White House Budget Director Mick Mulvaney (second from right) holds a copy of the president’s 2018 budget at the Government Publishing Office’s plant in Washington, D.C. Mulvaney describes the plan as “taxpayer first.”

Carolyn Kaster/AP

hide caption

toggle caption

Carolyn Kaster/AP

The Trump administration says it can balance the federal budget within a decade. Its blueprint calls for significant cuts to social safety net programs and assumes more robust economic growth.

The administration plans to release what it calls a “Taxpayer First” budget on Tuesday.

“This is, I think, the first time in a long time that an administration has written a budget through the eyes of the people who are actually paying the taxes,” White House Budget Director Mick Mulvaney told reporters on Monday.

The plan was crafted with a skeptical eye toward programs that serve the needy. Over a decade, it calls for hundreds of billions of dollars in cuts to Medicaid, food stamps and disability benefits.

“We are no longer going to measure compassion by the number of programs or the number of people on those programs,” Mulvaney said. “We are going to measure compassion and success by the number of people we help get off of those programs to get back in charge of their own lives.”

Critics call the spending blueprint “Robin Hood in reverse.”

“The president is essentially abandoning many people the economy has left behind — a large number of whom voted for him — and is pursuing policies that would make their lives more difficult than they already are,” said Robert Greenstein, president of the left-leaning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.

Two months ago, the White House released a preliminary budget that covered only “discretionary” spending — those parts of the government that Congress has to authorize every year. The new budget also covers “mandatory” spending, including such big-ticket items as Medicare and Social Security.

Some of the proposed cuts to programs like Social Security’s disability benefits are designed to push more people into the workforce. With 10,000 baby boomers hitting retirement age each day, and an official unemployment rate of 4.4 percent, it would be difficult for the U.S. economy to grow as fast as the administration envisions without enlisting an army of new workers.

“We need folks to work,” Mulvaney said. “There’s a dignity to work. And there’s a necessity to work to help the country succeed.”

The budget assumes that annual economic growth accelerates from 1.6 percent last year to 3 percent by 2021, and remains at that level for the rest of the decade. Faster economic growth would generate trillions of dollars in additional revenue, allowing the government to balance its books by 2027.

Fiscal watchdogs say while the goal of a balanced budget might be commendable, they’re doubtful that it’s realistic.

“Given the demographic challenges that we face, there is really very little chance that we will be able to sustain 3 percent growth,” said Maya MacGuineas, president of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. “We should be realistic about the projections we make and not use aggressive economic projections to try to wish our fiscal problems away.”

The budget does not call for big changes to the Social Security retirement program or Medicare, which Trump promised during the campaign to preserve. And while the president has proposed trillions of dollars in tax cuts — aimed mostly at the wealthy — the budget assumes tax revenues are largely unaffected.

“The Trump administration has taken so many important pieces of the budget off the table,” MacGuineas said. “They’re saying they won’t raise taxes. They’re going to increase defense spending. And they’re not going to address our biggest programs: Social Security and Medicare. And so when you’re trying to reach balance by relying on such a tiny sliver of the budget, it’s very difficult to make those numbers add up.”

The new budget incorporates Trump’s priorities from the earlier version, including increased spending on the military and border security, with corresponding cuts to the State Department and the EPA.

The plan also includes $200 billion over a decade as a down payment on infrastructure investment, and a modest $19 billion to establish a paid parental leave program. The president’s daughter, Ivanka Trump, has championed parental leave as a way to help women in the workforce, although the budget provides little detail of how the program would work.

Let’s block ads! (Why?)


No Image

Ford Replacing CEO Mark Fields In Management Shakeup

In Detroit, Ford Motor Co. Executive Chairman Bill Ford, left, greets President and Chief Executive Mark Fields at the North American International Auto show in January.

Carlos Osorio/AP

hide caption

toggle caption

Carlos Osorio/AP

Ford Motor Company is replacing its President and Chief Executive Officer Mark Fields, according to multiple media reports.

According to The Associated Press, “a person familiar with the situation says CEO Mark Fields is retiring at age 56 after 28 years at the company.”

Ford’s stock price has fallen nearly 40 percent since Fields took the reins of the company three years ago. Just last week, Ford announced it would cut its white-collar workforce by 10 percent in North America and Asia, as the auto industry in general faced new challenges.

As NPR’s Sonari Glinton has reported, “In many ways, the other shoe is dropping all over the automotive world. Toyota says profits will fall two years in a row. That’s a first for the 21st century. Volkswagen is likely to have more layoffs. And Ford is slashing jobs despite the fact that it’s the leading seller of trucks and SUVs when trucks and SUVs are booming.”

Jim Hackett, chairman of Ford Smart Mobility LLC, in a photo provided by Ford Motor Company.

AP/Ford Motor Company

hide caption

toggle caption

AP/Ford Motor Company

The auto manufacturer is expected to announce on Monday that Fields will be replaced by Jim Hackett, who currently oversees Ford’s efforts on autonomous vehicles as chairman of Ford Smart Mobility LLC. Hackett took that position in March, 2016, after serving three years on Ford’s board of directors. Previously, Hackett was chief executive of Steelcase, the office furniture company.

The ouster of Fields is part of a larger management shakeup at Ford, according to Forbes:

“Other executives will assume larger roles, including James Farley, president of Ford’s Europe, Middle East and Africa business, and Joseph Hinrichs, head of Ford North America, people familiar with the changes said.

“Also leaving the company is Ford’s group vice president of communications, Ray Day, who will be replaced by Mark Truby, vice president of communications for Ford’s Asia-Pacific operations.”

Let’s block ads! (Why?)