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Iran May Follow Venezuela In Launching Its Own Cryptocurrency

Iran has announced its intent to establish a national cryptocurrency. In a tweet posted Wednesday, an Iranian official said that a test model for a “cloud-based digital currency” is being developed for submission to the Iranian banking system.

The official, Mohammad-Javad Azari Jahromi, heads Iran’s Ministry of Information and Communications Technology. Jahromi made the announcement after a meeting with the state-owned Post Bank of Iran.

It is not yet clear what role the currency will play in the Iranian banking system. Iran’s central bank has hinted at regulating cryptocurrencies in the past, even suggesting the adoption of an “infrastructure” to integrate digital currencies into the country’s financial system.

But the central bank backpedaled on Wednesday just as news of the state-sponsored digital currency went public. In a statement reported by Iran Front Page news, the Central Bank of Iran highlighted the “highly unreliable and risky” nature of cryptocurrency markets. It warned that Iranians “may lose their financial assets” in a space marked by extreme volatility and “pyramid scheme”-like businesses.

The announcement comes on the heels of Venezuela’s oil-backed “petro” cryptocurrency launch earlier this week. Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro claims that the cryptocurrency has raised over $700 million for the cash-strapped country. But doubts remain over the currency’s long-term viability, as Venezuela struggles to profit from the oil reserves that are supposed to back it.

There are fears that the rise of state-backed cryptocurrencies could pose a challenge to international efforts to regulate financial transactions and impose sanctions. The countries most interested in the technology – Iran, Venezuela and Russia – are all targeted by U.S. sanctions.

The Treasury Department has warned that U.S. citizens purchasing these currencies may be violating sanctions laws. And just last month, Treasury officials told Congress that rogue states and international criminal organizations are using virtual currencies “to launder their ill-gotten gains.”

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The Olympics, Afrofuturism, and Sichuan Food

The Indicator from Planet Money

Tyler Cowen is an economist at George Mason University, but here at The Indicator we like to think of him as a speed-reading, hyper-prolific, polymath blogger — who does economics on the side.

We sometimes play a game with Tyler, a game he actually invented for his own podcast. It’s called Overrated/Underrated. We ask him about a book, an idea, a movie, or really anything, and then he tells us whether he thinks it’s overrated or underrated.

Today we discuss inflation as an economic threat, the influence of lobbyists, infrastructure, and Chinese food.

Music by Drop Electric. Find us: Twitter/ Facebook.

Subscribe to our show on Apple Podcasts, PocketCasts and NPR One.

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Report Detailing Harassment At NPR Cites 'High Level Of Distrust' Of Management

An outside legal review found a “perception of a culture at NPR that favors men,” in a way that it said many employees believe “can foster harassment and bullying.”

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An outside legal review of NPR’s handling of allegations against its former top news executive, Michael Oreskes, found that questions were raised about his behavior toward women even before he was hired. And concerns about misconduct were reportedly flagged throughout Oreskes’ 2 1/2-year tenure at the network right up to the day he was fired.

Repeated warnings from the network’s top leadership about Oreskes’ inappropriate conduct and expenditures proved ineffective, the review by the law firm Morgan Lewis noted.

“Attempts to curtail Mr. Oreskes’ conduct and attention to women were not successful,” the report stated. “While management made multiple attempts to counsel Mr. Oreskes about his conduct, he was not deterred from pursuing conversations and dinner meetings with women inside and outside of NPR that were inappropriate and served a nonbusiness purpose.” Oreskes was forced to resign on Nov. 1.

In an interview on Tuesday, NPR Board Chairman Paul Haaga compared the process of reviewing Oreskes to “whack-a-mole.”

“Remonstrations were effective in stopping one behavior, but not in stopping all behaviors that should have stopped,” Haaga said. “We didn’t know that he was going to solicit dates outside NPR.”

The nine-page report on the review’s findings was released to NPR staffers Tuesday afternoon, as NPR CEO Jarl Mohn and Chief Operating Officer Loren Mayor had promised. Morgan Lewis conducted the review from December to February, interviewing 86 current and former NPR employees, 71 of whom are women.

In effect, the legal review offered greater texture to Mohn’s contention that he had failed to connect relevant dots — a contention he made in apologizing to the network’s staffers in November.

The law firm also surveyed the culture at NPR and found a “high level of distrust” in management to address such problems effectively. More broadly, it found a “perception of a culture at NPR that favors men,” in a way that it said many employees believe “can foster harassment and bullying.”

Morgan Lewis suggested several fixes: NPR should require all employees to undergo sexual harassment training, preferably in person; NPR should contract with an outside firm to conduct investigations into sexual harassment complaints, at least for now, as a way of rebuilding trust; NPR’s board of directors should monitor complaints, processes and resolutions; and NPR should conduct a gender equity study of pay and promotion.

The network already appears to have embarked on several closely related initiatives under the leadership of Mayor.

In its recommendations, the report also urges that hiring processes use blind references for job candidates. In a separate section on Oreskes, the report notes that he had four referrals and eight blind references.

NPR journalists expressed anger toward Mohn and management at all-staff meetings held in November. Some questioned whether he could continue in the job.

In a joint interview Tuesday, Haaga and NPR board member Wonya Lucas, who is leading the board’s special committee on sexual harassment and workplace culture, said they retained faith in Mohn and his senior team.

“There were clear lapses in judgment,” said Lucas, a veteran cable television executive who is the president and CEO of Public Broadcasting Atlanta. “There was a breakdown in communication among senior management. There were policies and procedures that were not in place and others that were not followed.”

But Lucas said the current management team should be given the chance to succeed, given the work that Mayor has initiated and recommendations the board was poised to pass Tuesday evening.

“People make mistakes. Some mistakes are so egregious that they are [professionally] fatal,” Haaga said. “What I like to look at is, do they own the mistake? Do they learn from them?

“They just owned it.”

In a note to NPR staff on Tuesday, Mohn said he and senior staff are reviewing the Morgan Lewis report. “We can learn from it, and we will,” he said. “While we cannot change the past, we can commit to not repeating it.”

Mohn added: “We are committed to a work environment where everyone feels safe and respected. I want to build an organization of equality and empowerment, where every one of us is held to the same standards and every voice can be heard.”

NPR News exchanged emails with Oreskes but did not secure comment. NPR News will update with any response from Oreskes.

The problems involving Oreskes were flagged even before he took the job. At the tail end of the hiring process, one participant in his hiring review raised a past incident in which Oreskes reportedly sought to meet women late at night at a conference under the guise of discussing his book.

Within six months of Oreskes’ start in the spring of 2015, two NPR female journalists lodged sexual harassment complaints against him — each after attending separate dinners at which they alleged Oreskes had inquired pointedly about their personal lives and in at least one instance “made several comments of a sexual nature.”

Oreskes was warned about his behavior by NPR’s top attorney, Jonathan Hart, who said it could not recur. The report suggests that the network did not receive new specific complaints of misconduct toward NPR women.

According to the Morgan Lewis report, subsequent concerns were raised to NPR’s top executives over his expense account submissions involving interactions with women. His digital exchanges with younger women outside NPR, including journalists elsewhere, freelancers, job hopefuls and aspiring college reporters, also set off internal alarms, according to two knowledgeable people.

Colleagues said Oreskes used meals and drinks — ostensibly to discuss career advancement — as opportunities to engage in questionable conduct.

Oreskes would be repeatedly admonished for his conduct and also over his expenses, by Hart, Mayor, Chief Financial Officer Debbie Cowan and ultimately Mohn himself. Oreskes has since reimbursed NPR for $1,800 in invalid expenses, an amount that seems modest in comparison with the amount of social entertaining he is said to have done.

Inside NPR’s newsroom in 2015 and 2016, rumors were swirling and more experienced female news staffers were warning younger journalists not to be alone with their top news executive. By fall 2016, editors were warning HR staffers and their superiors that Oreskes’ conduct was inappropriate, though few had details to offer. At roughly the same time, a woman contacted HR to say that Oreskes had forcibly kissed her in the 1990s while he was Washington bureau chief for The New York Times and she was exploring job opportunities there.

But these episodes were apparently considered as separately defined transgressions — inappropriate behavior toward subordinates; misuse of company funds on expenses; inappropriate conduct toward young female journalists who did not work for the network.

In October 2017, a second woman reported that Oreskes had kissed her against her will in the 1990s while at the Times. The report suggests that only toward the end did Mohn and NPR’s top executives conclude these incidents were part of the same family of misconduct.

As a public matter, attention swiveled to Oreskes on Oct. 31, 2017, when The Washington Post revealed the two allegations from his days at the Times.

Later that afternoon, NPR News reported one of the two HR complaints from an NPR journalist filed in October 2015. The same day as the Post‘s piece, another female NPR journalist notified the network that Oreskes had invited her to a beach cottage to discuss her possible career advancement. According to the report, that additional episode triggered the decision by Mohn to ask for Oreskes’ resignation.

On Nov. 7, in an email to staff, Mohn said he failed to connect other signs. “In retrospect, I did not see the bigger pattern of poor judgment and unacceptable behavior,” Mohn wrote. “I am sorry, and I have learned from this.”

The report does not offer great detail for the individual episodes that occurred during Oreskes’ time at NPR. Nor does it explain the internal deliberations of the network’s leadership. It does suggest, however, two conclusions: First, the network failed to connect visible dots illuminating a related pattern of behavior; and second, NPR’s management did not terminate Oreskes in part because, after the two October 2015 HR filings, it did not receive complaints about behavior toward women who worked at NPR until October 2017.

Haaga, the board chairman, said Mohn should have been brought into discussions about Oreskes’ behavior prior to fall 2016. And he said Hart, NPR’s general counsel, was focused primarily on preventing harm to the company’s employees.

“It was surprising to me [to learn] when certain parties knew certain things,” said Lucas, the NPR board member. “Different people within management had different information over time.”

More women came forward after media coverage of allegations against Oreskes. Other women subsequently told NPR News that Oreskes’ behavior and communications made them decide not to apply for work at the network.

Disclosure: NPR’s David Folkenflik reported this story under the guidance of Deputy Managing Editor Jim Kane and Standards and Practices Editor Mark Memmott. Under standard procedures for reporting on NPR matters, NPR’s corporate and news executives were not allowed to review what they reported until it was posted. No editors or reporters involved in this story attended any private NPR staff meetings related to the subject.

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Why The AR-15?

What is an AR-15? The AR-15 is a semi-automatic rifle similar to the U.S. military’s M16. Colt, the storied gunmaker, holds the trademark for the AR-15, but many gun manufacturers produce near-identical weapons.

Is the AR-15 an automatic weapon? AR-15 style rifles are semi-automatic, meaning they automatically reload after each shot but feature one shot per trigger pull. Fully automatic weapons, such as the M16, can fire multiple bullets with just a single pull of the trigger.

Is the AR-15 an assault weapon? The precise definitions of “assault rifle” or “assault weapon” vary from jurisdiction to jurisdiction.

The gun industry generally refers to AR-15 style rifles as “modern sporting rifles.” The federal legislation that enacted a decade-long ban on “assault weapons” in the 1990s specifically banned the AR-15.

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Black Women Gather In Atlanta To Harness Economic And Political Power

Michel Martin talks about the conference with Karen Finney, a former spokeswoman for Hillary Clinton, Nakisha Lewis, an organizer for Black Lives Matter, and New Jersey Congresswoman Bonnie Coleman.

MICHEL MARTIN, HOST:

Later this week, prominent black women from across the country will be heading to Atlanta, Ga., for a conference they call Power Rising. Now, it’s not unusual for black women to get together. Their sororities and social clubs are actually known for their under-the-radar powerhouse organizing. But this get-together might be different in that its sole purpose is to harness that organizing ability towards specific policy and political goals. To talk more about this, we’re joined in our studios in Washington, D.C., by Nakisha Lewis. She’s an organizer with the New York City chapter of Black Lives Matter, and she’s one of the organizers of the Power Rising conference. Also here with us in Washington, D.C., another organizer, Karen Finney. She’s a former senior adviser and spokesperson for Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign. Welcome to you both.

KAREN FINNEY: Good afternoon.

NAKISHA LEWIS: Good afternoon.

MARTIN: And joining us from Ewing, N.J., is Congresswoman Bonnie Watson Coleman. She will be speaking at the conference. Congresswoman, thank you so much for joining us as well.

BONNIE WATSON COLEMAN: Thanks for having us.

MARTIN: And I’d like to start with you because I understand that this idea came out of a retreat by the women members of the Congressional Black Caucus last fall, where you all were brainstorming about next steps. And the Reverend Leah Daughtry, who chaired the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia, said something like if I could wave a magic wand, then I’d have you all get together and say, you know, how do we leverage all of our kind of political and economic power to do something when we often are ignored? Is that about right? Does that conform with your memory of things?

WATSON COLEMAN: Yeah, absolutely. We recognized that we had really shown up in a big way in these various elections from 2016 and 2017. We recognized that people are suddenly recognizing that we are dependable. There’s very little necessary to get us going in doing the things that we do, and that we’re going to do the right, and that we have a collective power that just has not been appreciated. And so in talking to one another – the women in the Black Caucus and some other women – we talked about, let’s do something with this moment. So…

MARTIN: Could I just ask you to tell me – when you say that you feel often ignored, what do you mean by that?

WATSON COLEMAN: Well, secondarily considered I should say – marginalized. I don’t think that we have sufficient representation at the table when we’re discussing the agendas and futures. You know, we’re not just sort of unified behind one interest. We have lots of interests that, at the end of the day, are directed at ensuring that the right thing is happening in our respective communities and in this nation.

MARTIN: Nakisha, I’m going to go to you. I want to point out that Congresswoman Coleman, for example – she was in the state legislature. She was the majority leader. She was the chair of her state committee. A lot of activists in your generation have not found traditional politics to be particularly helpful. They feel that they haven’t served the needs of the African-American community. A lot of people don’t want to identify with traditional political organizations. And I just wonder, you know, has that been a bit of a struggle for you in any way?

LEWIS: Absolutely not. So the beauty of this summit is that it is not a political summit, right? I understand that when people look at the list of names of women who are organizing, many of them are, you know, Democratic operatives or, you know, very partisan people. And so what I’ve been able to do is talk with my communities about why I’m here. And this group of women has been really awesome in that they’ve been willing to also hear my critiques when I comment and say actually, we need to make sure that trans women see themselves front and center in this because that hasn’t always been the case when our people have organized. We need to make sure that young people see themselves. And the committee has been amazing because we are actually doing this work as sisters.

MARTIN: So I think – is the idea here that everything is not for everyone, and if you don’t feel that you’re a part of the sort of traditional political mechanisms, there’s still other work for you to do and that you want the people doing that work to be visible in this system?

LEWIS: Yes, absolutely. And the reality is that here we say – but on Audre Lorde’s birthday, and her words come to mind for me in that there is no such thing as a single-issue struggle because we don’t live single-issue lives. If that is not black women, then I don’t know what is.

MARTIN: Karen, what about you? What made this attractive to you?

FINNEY: A couple of things. I mean, you know, what makes this summit different is two things. Number one, we are trying to both leverage the work that has been done and really put some things on an agenda that say how do we move these issues forward? You know, by 2021, they estimate that black women will drive about $1.3 trillion of our economy, looking at the ways that black women have an impact on culture and music and fashion and Hollywood and the rate at which we’re starting businesses, and we are successful, and yet financial institutions aren’t marketing to this very successful sector.

MARTIN: Karen, can I ask you this, though? It is true that at the end of the day, at the end of the 2016 election, African-American women showed out in force for Clinton? But before that, there was a lot of tension between the elements who saw themselves as being more progressive than she. I mean, in some cases, even some of her rallies were disrupted by activists who felt that she needed to be held to account for policies, particularly around criminal justice, that they felt had been unhelpful. Is the idea here that your kind of common experience as black women overrides what have really been very serious policy differences – single-payer health care, for example, and various taxing strategies and things of that sort?

FINNEY: Yeah, I mean, there are places where, I mean, let’s be honest, in the black community – and I say this as a – you know, I am a Democrat. I am a progressive. But there are times when I don’t feel that the progressive movement always understands the intersectionality of how some of these issues affect black people. You know, I – give you an example. In Virginia during the election – right? – there was great reporting about how important health care was to the black community, particularly black women. And you saw high turnout among black women because people realized hey, we need to really speak to this issue in a way that is authentic to the black community. That’s part of what I would like to see come out of this – is a recognition when we’re talking on the policy level, there’s got to be authenticity around how we’re talking to the black community, and then making good on those promises.

MARTIN: And Congresswoman Coleman, if I can ask you, it’s been a long-standing struggle, at least since President Clinton’s presidency, between the so-called moderates and the so-called progressives. I mean, this is not a secret. And it has been a source of some kind of resentment, I would say, among African-American political leaders that they sometimes feel that their agenda items are considered – I don’t know how to put it – secondary or alienating to the kind of white moderates that you feel you need to sort of keep the Democratic Party together. And I’m just – this plays out in primaries, like, all the time. So how do you reconcile that within this kind of framework? I mean, is the feeling that your common concerns as African-American women supersede all that?

WATSON COLEMAN: You know, the exciting thing for me is this is an opportunity not about how to be a stronger Democrat, not even how to make the Democratic Party react to me in a more respectful manner, recognizing the work that we as African-American women do in their party. This is about me, the person, the African-American woman in the United States of America, who has value, who has contributions but who experiences structural barriers simply because of that intersectionality of race and sex. And we need to be able to define and develop agendas on our local level, state level and national level that take into consideration the diversity of our issues, our concerns, our challenges, our accomplishments. And what we do for that next generation?

MARTIN: All of you go to a lot of conferences, and all of you go to a lot of meetings. So I’d like to ask how you are going to know whether this one has been a success.

FINNEY: For me, it will be seeing women talking to each other and really digging in on issues. But also, I hope we can change the conversation a bit to understand that we are impacting this society and this culture, and we deserve – we’re not a backbone, right? Treat me as a swing voter. Treat me as someone who you have to come and court my vote and make your case to me. And I would like to see us as black women take that back to our communities and to the national conversation.

MARTIN: Nakisha.

LEWIS: It will be a success for me if, one, knowing that all who do come, regardless of where they sit on the gender spectrum and regardless of where they come from in background, understand that they are part of the large fabric that is black womanhood.

MARTIN: If I could just mention what’s on your T-shirt, it says elect black women, fund black women, believe black women, invest in black women, follow black women, defend black women, hire black women, promote black women.

LEWIS: Yes. And above all else, trust black women.

MARTIN: That is Nakisha Lewis. She’s an organizer of the Power Rising conference, which is meeting in Atlanta next week. Also with us, Karen Finney, former spokesperson for the Hillary Clinton presidential campaign and Congresswoman Bonnie Watson Coleman of New Jersey. We reached her at her home office in Ewing, N.J. Thank you all so much for speaking with us.

LEWIS: Thank you.

FINNEY: Thank you.

WATSON COLEMAN: Thank you for having us.

Copyright © 2018 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by Verb8tm, Inc., an NPR contractor, and produced using a proprietary transcription process developed with NPR. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.

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How D'Wayne Edwards Became A Sneaker Legend

D’Wayne Edwards created the Pensole Footwear Design Academy to try and diversify the sneaker business. Edwards was one of the first black designers in the business and created the academy, in part, because of how difficult it was for him to get started.

KELLY MCEVERS, HOST:

Lots of industries acknowledge they have a diversity problem. Maybe it’s with age or gender or race. Our Planet Money podcast wondered, how exactly does an industry begin to change itself? And reporter Kenny Malone says the answer is on your feet.

KENNY MALONE, BYLINE: D’Wayne Edwards was just out of high school – this was in the ’80s – and managed to get a job at LA Gear, the sneaker company, which was great.

D’WAYNE EDWARDS: But I’m in the accounts payable department, just filing papers.

MALONE: Which was not great because sneaker design was his dream job.

EDWARDS: And so I start asking around. And everyone’s saying, well, you have to go to design school, and you have to do this. You have to do that.

MALONE: Edwards couldn’t afford the normal, expensive paths to shoe design. But he did notice that the LA Gear company had these wooden suggestion boxes. And he thought, you know what? While I’m here, what the heck?

EDWARDS: So my suggestion was, hire me as a footwear designer. So I would – every morning before I started my filing-papers job, I would put a sketch in the box. So I did that for six months.

MALONE: He had no idea, but somebody was looking at these sneaker sketches.

ROBERT GREENBERG: The line work was very trendy, a little futuristic-looking.

MALONE: This is Robert Greenberg, president of LA Gear at the time.

GREENBERG: D’Wayne’s talent is to create what does not exist. You know you go to those car shows and they show the futuristic cars?

MALONE: Yeah.

GREENBERG: That’s what he did.

MALONE: Greenberg called Edwards into his office.

EDWARDS: And he had all 180 sketches on his desk. And he was like…

GREENBERG: Here, come in, and sit down. And let’s talk.

EDWARDS: I’ve heard you’re the one that’s been putting these (laughter) sketches in the box.

GREENBERG: You know, look at this – looks nice. What do you want to do?

EDWARDS: What do you want me to do with these things? You know, did you go to design school? What’s up? And I was like, well, no, I just graduated from Inglewood High School about seven months ago. And he was like, well, you have talent, and I like your ambition. And I’m going to offer you a entry-level design job if you want to take it.

MALONE: And that is the story of how D’Wayne Edwards became one of the first black designers in the sneaker industry. His career skyrocketed from there. Eventually he became the lead designer at Nike for the Air Jordan brand. But Edwards always wondered. Why did a kid like him even need this suggestion box miracle to launch his career in the first place? And so about 10 years ago, he quit his dream job to build a new way to launch careers. He built one of the first sneaker design schools.

EDWARDS: You see that white shoe with the navy midsole on the wall right there?

MALONE: Edwards is surrounded by about eight students trying to explain to them how sneaker color blocking can make a shoe stand out even from across the room.

EDWARDS: That’s why blocking’s important. And it started on basketball courts.

MALONE: The Pensole Footwear Design Academy in Portland, Ore., is some hybrid of a vocational school, a design college and an apprenticeship.

EDWARDS: But because I wasn’t able to go to school, I want to figure out a way to make it free so kids like me don’t get lost.

MALONE: So Edwards gets sneaker companies to fund scholarships for many students, and the sneaker companies get this pipeline of undiscovered talent.

EDWARDS: So the other thing that we – oh, Precious.

MALONE: Almost on cue, one of Edwards’ first students shows up to say hi.

EDWARDS: Precious is an alumni. She work at Jordan now. How are you doing?

PRECIOUS HANNAH: I’m good.

MALONE: Precious Hannah now works at Nike and still comes back as a mentor.

HANNAH: So I think it’s very important for others to understand, like, you know, you don’t have to go to this prestige school just to understand something. You could come somewhere where someone understands how to do things and just, like, give you the knowledge like D’Wayne gave me.

MALONE: In recruiting for the school, Edwards says he makes a special effort to find students who do not look like the industry looks right now. And there aren’t great statistics about diversity in the footwear design field, but the number of non-white designers does seem to be growing, and a big part of that is the Pensole Academy.

EDWARDS: Real quick, I’ll just show you a couple of things.

MALONE: Yeah, sure.

EDWARDS: So we keep a…

MALONE: Edwards walks over to a wall covered in different companies’ shoeboxes.

EDWARDS: And we put shoeboxes up on the wall when they get jobs at different places, for whatever said company…

MALONE: Every single one of these is a job.

EDWARDS: Yeah.

MALONE: One, two, three, four, five, six.

I’ll save you the counting. It’s more than 300 graduates who’ve wound up working at footwear companies.

EDWARDS: All the companies have a diversity agenda. Like, oh, we need more people of color. Oh, we need this. We need that. So in a lot of ways, with me starting this is to show the industry, this is what happens when you actually focus in on something.

MALONE: Kenny Malone, NPR News.

Copyright © 2018 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by Verb8tm, Inc., an NPR contractor, and produced using a proprietary transcription process developed with NPR. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.

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Overshooting, Tipping Points, and ABBA

The Indicator from Planet Money

We’re trying a new thing (for us): We ask guests to tell us about something they read that changed how they see the world.

Today, Diane Coyle — an economist who writes a blog about economics books — tells us about Micromotives and Macrobehavior by Thomas Schelling.

Coyle says it’s helped her understand everything from why it’s so hard to get the water temperature in the shower just right to why ABBA wore such ostentatious costumes on stage.

Music by Drop Electric. Find us: Twitter/ Facebook.

Subscribe to our show on Apple Podcasts, PocketCasts and NPR One.

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Stimulus Response

shrug

Jared Bernstein has a dilemma. He’s a liberal economist, and he’s been saying for years that the U.S. needs stimulus — some combination of higher spending and lower taxes — to drive up wages for workers.

Congress and the President recently passed bills to raise spending and cut taxes.

These weren’t sold as stimulus packages. They are not Jared Bernstein’s dream come true. But they are going to mean lower taxes and higher spending.

Today on the show: How is a liberal economist supposed to feel about these Republican bills that are — sort of — the thing he’s been saying we need?

Music: Drop Electric and Toccata and Fugue. Find us: Twitter/ Facebook.

Subscribe to our show on Apple Podcasts, PocketCasts and NPR One.

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Latino Business Group Leader Steps Down Amid Sexual Harassment Allegations

Javier Palomarez, shown here at an event in 2014, resigned amid allegations of sexual and financial misconduct.

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The head of a major Hispanic business association is stepping aside after allegations of improperly increasing his salary and sexual misconduct.

The United States Hispanic Chamber of Commerce said president and CEO Javier Palomarez and its board of directors “have mutually agreed to undergo a leadership transition for the organization effective immediately,” the organization said in a statement to NPR.

The statement did not refer to the allegations surrounding Palomarez, which were reported Monday by The New York Times:

“Mr. Palomarez, who has run the organization for close to a decade, was accused by a longtime board member last fall of paying himself hundreds of thousands of dollars more than he was entitled to under his contract, according to minutes from the board’s charitable foundation and a Texas court filing.

“In the Texas filing, Mr. Palomarez denied any financial impropriety. He said in a statement Friday that the claims against him sprang from a ‘retaliatory effort’ by Nina Vaca, the board member who flagged them first. Ms. Vaca declined to comment.

“Mr. Palomarez was also accused of sexually harassing his former chief of staff, Gissel Gazek Nicholas. In an interview with The New York Times, Ms. Nicholas said that at the end of a group meeting in a Chicago hotel suite in 2013, he asked her to stay behind after the others left, then asked if she had ever thought about ‘being’ with him and tried to kiss her. Her account was corroborated by an email she sent to a friend within hours of the incident and another friend in whom she confided afterward.”

Nicholas was fired from her job at the organization in November, the Times reports.

Palomerez did not immediately respond to a request for comment from NPR. He told the Times on Friday that, “I categorically deny these troubling allegations.”

In the announcement from the USHCC, Palomerez said he was extremely proud of his tenure as president and CEO of the organization.

Representing Hispanic businesses “is a mission too important for distractions and internal division and so I look forward to working with the Board and staff over the coming weeks to put in place a leadership team that can inspire more in our community to build businesses and achieve the American dream,” he said.

According to NBC News, Nicholas applauded the move by saying that the business organization had taken a “bold step forward and away from the leadership of Javier Palomarez.” She added: “While the USHCC accomplished a great deal under his leadership, it came at a high cost to me personally, and, I believe, to the organization as well.”

USHCC says it promotes 4.4 million Hispanic-owned businesses that contribute at least $700 billion annually to the U.S. economy. Palomerez previously worked at Sprint and Bank of America.

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Trump Infrastructure Plan Would Pay For A Fraction Of Investment

It’s a year later than first promised, but President Trump finally announced his long-awaited infrastructure plan at the White House today, flanked by governors, mayors, and other state and local leaders. Calling the condition of the country’s roads, bridges, ports, tunnels and water systems “horrendous,” Trump says his plan “will spur the biggest and boldest infrastructure investment in American history. The framework will generate an unprecedented $1.5- to $1.7-trillion investment in American infrastructure.”

But the word “generate” is not the same as “spend,” as the Trump administration’s plan proposes to allocate just a fraction of that ambitious goal, $200 billion over 10 years, with most of the rest of the funding burden shifted onto states and local governments.

It’s a radical departure from how federal transportation and infrastructure programs have doled out funding in the past.

Chicago Transit Authority President Dorval Carter, who served in high-ranking positions in the Federal Transit Administration and the U.S. Dept. of Transportation, says when building new transit projects, “historically you look to get about 50 percent of that from the federal government.”

But as the CTA looks to expand one of its busiest train lines and extend its Red Line rapid transit service 5.3 miles into neighborhoods on Chicago’s South Side that are currently underserved by transit at a cost of an estimated $2 billion, Carter may come up nearly empty-handed in Washington.

That’s because if Congress approves the Trump infrastructure plan, that historical 50-50 funding model for transit projects would be thrown out the window, and most projects would require states and local agencies like the CTA to come up with at least 80 percent of the revenue, in order to get, at most, a 20 percent federal match.

For highways, that means the White House plan would completely flip the current 80-20 federal to state and local funding split for many projects.

That flip in financing “probably is not going to work,” former Transportation Secretary and ex-Rep. Ray LaHood, R-Ill., told us on NPR’s Morning Edition Monday. “That idea just probably won’t work because the states and local governments don’t have any money,” LaHood said.

“The lack of federal investment is nothing new,” says Columbia, S.C., Mayor Steve Benjamin, who was at the White House for today’s announcement.

“I would love to see a more significant and robust investment in water and sewer infrastructure, in roads and bridges and schools and hospitals coming from the federal government, and anything short of that, yes, is a disappointment.”

But Benjamin says he’s looking at the bright side, that at least a conversation about investing in infrastructure is now beginning, and he hopes Congress will beef up the federal involvement. He’s also encouraged by the effort to streamline the federal environmental review and permitting process, which the president says his plan will cut from 5-10 years, to just two.

But what worries Benjamin most of all is that the $200 billion that is in the Trump plan comes from budget cuts to transit, community development block grants, and other programs that cities like his rely upon.

“It’s important to build roads and bridges,” says Benjamin, but “it’s also important to give people ladders of opportunity so they can earn a living and house their families and feed their families. So cutting those programs is a non-starter for us.”

The American Society of Civil Engineers, which gives the country a near-failing grade of D+ for the shoddy condition of highways, railways, seaports, airports and water and sewer systems, is another group encouraged that there finally is a detailed infrastructure proposal. ASCE president Kristina Swallow, a civil engineer and program manager for the city of Las Vegas, says “it’s great to know that the leadership of our country recognizes the fact that we have been underspending on infrastructure for decades and that it’s hurting our families economically.”

But she, too, is disappointed with the size of the president’s proposed investment.

“$200 billion is a good starting point for a conversation but it is insufficient,” Swallow says, noting that the nation needs an investment of $2 trillion more than what’s currently budgeted just get the nation’s infrastructure into decent shape. “We are going to figure out a way to find additional funding if we’re really going to meet the needs of our communities.”

Swallow and others point out that cities, counties and states have already been boosting funding for infrastructure on their own because of a lack of adequate federal funds. More than 30 states have raised their gasoline or other taxes in recent years to try to meet infrastructure needs.

Swallow is also concerned about what’s missing in the Trump proposals — a plan to ensure future spending builds more sustainable infrastructure to withstand the impacts of climate change.

“We don’t have enough funding to build it twice,” Swallow says, “And so we have to have a long term view when we build out infrastructure and we have to look at what we’re dealing with today but what we might be looking at tomorrow.”

Many Democrats in Congress are already dismissing the Trump infrastructure plan.

Sen. Tom Carper of Delaware, the top Democrat on the Senate Public Works Committee, says Trump’s “infrastructure plan is unrealistic, inadequate and irresponsible.”

Oregon Congressman Peter DeFazio, the top Democrat on the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, calls the president’s plan “embarrassingly small,” and one that “shifts the (financial) burden to cash-strapped States and local governments.”

DeFazio also critizes the Trump plan for cutting “more than $168 billion from existing transportation and infrastructure programs to pay for Wall Street and foreign investors to toll our roads,” and worries that “it would gut bedrock environmental, clean water, and clean air protections under the guise of speeding up projects.”

Republicans might not be so willing to go with a plan that shifts the infrastructure funding burden to state and local taxpayers, but some members of the GOP caucus are also loathe to raise federal revenues, especially the gas tax, which hasn’t been increased in 25 years and currently falls short of raising enough money for existing transportation programs.

But some members of Congress might be willing to embrace the Trump administration’s plan, if it’s truly supplemental to current infrastructure funding programs, as White House aides say it is intended to be.

“This is an interesting dynamic of additional money where they’re trying to change behavior through a different way of supporting more state, local and private” investment in infrastructure, says Mike Friedberg, a former top Republican staffer on Transportation and Appropriation Committees, who is now a lobbyist and advisor on transportation and infrastructure issues in Washington.

He says the administration is making a concerted effort to shift away from a system in which Washington dictates what projects are funded and how they are funded.

“We need to come up with something that’s different and this is a good attempt,” Friedberg says.

But he acknowledges the effort won’t get far if the current funding shortfall in the Highway Trust Fund isn’t addressed and this plan doesn’t bring in new money.

He’s also encouraged by senior White House officials saying that this is not “a take it or leave it proposal,” but rather, “This is the start of a negotiation.”

“You’re seeing there’s an appetite for fixing structural problems,” says Friedberg, “and this president, he’s not an idealogue about this and wants to get stuff done with infrastructure.”

As for whether the infrastructure plan is dead on arrival on Capitol Hill, as some suggest, Friedberg says “it’s not dead (but) it has a steep hill to climb.”

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