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Episode 739: Finding The Fake-News King

There's money to make in the fake news business.

A few days before the election, an extraordinary story popped up in hundreds of thousands of people’s Facebook feeds. This story was salacious. It was vivid, filled with intriguing details. There was a photo of a burning house, firemen rushing in. The headline read, “FBI Agent Suspected In Hillary Email Leaks Found Dead In Apparent Murder-Suicide.”

It was all fake. There was no FBI agent. There was no shooting. The site it was published on, The Denver Guardian, isn’t a real news source. It was one of many fake stories that play into conspiracy theories about the Clintons and it worked.

There is one part of the article that was real: the ads. Someone was making money off this phony news article and dozens of others like it. Someone was making profit off a fake story that suggested a presidential candidate was a killer.

Today on the show, we take this single fake news story and follow the clues all the way back. We follow the digital breadcrumbs until we find ourselves on a suburban doorstep, face to face with the man behind a bogus news empire run. Then he tells us his secrets.

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Check out Laura Sydell’s original story for NPR.

Music: “Turn It Up – Turn It Out” and “Just Killing Time.” Find us: Twitter/ Facebook.

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Pedophilia Scandal Sends Shock Waves Through U.K. Soccer

In the weeks since a former professional soccer player told a British newspaper that as a child, he had been sexually abused for years by a youth coach, several other former players have gone public with similar allegations of abuse by coaches and scouts. And news reports say hundreds of people have reported abuse at U.K. youth soccer clubs to police. Christopher Furlong/Getty Images hide caption

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Christopher Furlong/Getty Images

In mid-November, a former professional soccer player told a British newspaper that as a child, he had been sexually abused for years by a well-respected youth coach. The player said he knew other players had experienced the same thing — and that a culture of silence kept the abusers out of the spotlight.

But he wasn’t keeping the secret anymore.

“I want to get it out and give other people an opportunity to do the same,” Andy Woodward told The Guardian. “I want to give people strength. … I’m convinced there is an awful lot more to come out.”

His interview unleashed a flood.

In the weeks since, a half-dozen other former players have come forward in the media, alleging years of abuse by multiple coaches and scouts in the U.K. More than 20 former pros have alleged abuse to the Professional Footballers’ Association. Some 350 people have reported abuse at youth soccer clubs to police, according to The Associated Press.

The BBC has a detailed timeline of who has stepped forward as a survivor.

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Now some 17 different police forces are investigating the scandal. At least 10 suspected pedophiles have been identified, the AP says — and allegations are emerging that authorities within the U.K. soccer world paid off victims in exchange for their silence.

“It was the worst-kept secret in football”

The narratives of those who say they were abused trace a similar arc: Vulnerable young athletes meet powerful coaches and scouts; their families are captivated by the dream of a career in pro soccer. Staying at a coach’s house or taking trips without supervision are par for the course. When the abuse begins, it’s paired with blackmail and threats to keep the young player silent.

Woodward, the player whose story broke the dam, told of being abused by serial pedophile and former soccer coach and scout Barry Bennell, starting when Woodward was 11. He was a player in Crewe Alexandra’s youth program.

Andy Woodward said he was abused by serial pedophile and former soccer coach and scout Barry Bennell, starting when Woodward was 11. He was a player in Crewe Alexandra’s youth program. Reuters hide caption

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Reuters

“I just wanted to play football. My mum and dad will say that I always had a football in my hands, wherever I went. I saw Crewe as the start of that dream,” Woodward told The Guardian. “But I was soft-natured, too, and it was the softer, weaker boys Bennell targeted.”

He said Bennell arranged for him to stay at his house. “It was my dream, remember, to be a footballer and it was like he was dropping little sweets towards me: ‘You can stay with me and this is what I can do for you,’ ” Woodward said. “Plus he had a reputation as the best youth coach in the country. So I’d stay at weekends and summer holidays and even take time out of school sometimes.”

After the alleged sexual abuse began, he said, Bennell would use threats of violence — and reminders that he could drop Woodward from the team at any time, ending his dreams of a pro career — to control him. Bennell went on to date and later marry Woodward’s older sister. Woodward described the wedding as “torture.”

Steve Walters, who was inspired by Woodward to tell his story, also told the Guardian that he had been sexually abused by Bennell over a period of years.

“I just had to pretend it never happened and block it out. I knew it could never come out and I was absolutely petrified because I thought that if it did ever come out that would be it for my career — finished,” he said. “In my mind, I wouldn’t even be able to go out, never mind play football. And football was my dream. It was my life.”

But despite the silence about the alleged abuse, it was never wholly secret.

“There were always rumors” about what was happening, Walters said. “It was the worst-kept secret in football that Barry had boys staying at his house.”

“Throughout those years at Crewe, so many people used to talk about it,” Woodward said. “Other players would say directly to my face: ‘I bet he does this to you, we know he does that.’ There was all that dressing-room bravado. Then, outside the club, it was never discussed.”

Multiple convictions, prison terms for pedophilia

Woodward’s interview wasn’t the first allegation of sexual abuse in the British youth soccer system. It wasn’t even the first allegation against Bennell.

In 2005, a government-backed commission investigated “child protection in football.” The 59-page report, which said the structure of youth football puts children at risk, mentioned sexual assault or sexual offense only twice, both times in footnotes. Christopher Furlong/Getty Images hide caption

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Christopher Furlong/Getty Images

In fact, Bennell served multiple prison sentences for pedophilia — but he was a free man when Woodward spoke to The Guardian.

In 1994, Bennell was traveling to the U.S. with a youth soccer team when he was arrested by Florida authorities. He pleaded guilty to sexually assaulting a young player.

He was given four years in prison — although he could have received 30 years for each of his six counts of custodial sexual battery — as part of a deal that meant the victim didn’t have to travel to the U.S. to testify at trial.

He served three of the four years before being deported to the U.K. There he was arrested and charged with 45 offenses related to sexual assault of young players. He pleaded guilty in 1998 to 23 offenses.

“You preyed on adolescent and pre-adolescent boys,” a judge told him at sentencing, according to news outlets at the time. “You could point young boys in the right direction and help them with their careers and wishes to become successful footballers. They were prepared to do almost anything you asked them.”

He was sentenced to nine years in prison.

After he was released, he was convicted again, in 2015, after confessing to an assault on a 12-year-old in 1980.

He served two years for that sentence. He was out again when Woodward’s interview went live. He was taken to the hospital on Nov. 25 after he was found unconscious and now faces fresh charges of child sex abuse.

Awareness of “potentially dangerous situations”

Bennell’s first conviction was noticed in the press. A Channel 4 Dispatches investigation that aired in early 1997 suggested the entire system of youth soccer programs made children vulnerable to serial pedophiles like Bennell and put children in “potentially dangerous situations.” Here’s how The Independent described the documentary:

“An investigation by Dispatches says that the hold coaches have over their school-age proteges — the chance of a career in professional football — can give them the opportunity to abuse boys for years with little fear of discovery.

“One former coach, Barry Bennell, who worked at Manchester City, Stoke City and Crewe Alexandra is currently serving four years in a United States prison after admitting buggery and assault on a boy.

“Another amateur club, Ipswich Saracens, found that their coach Keith Ketley was a convicted sex offender. Despite this he had been able to set up another team with Football Association affiliation. He is now serving five years in jail after being found guilty on four counts of indecent assault. …

“Les Reed, Charlton’s first team coach, says that with such a large number of children involved with adults there is a ‘potentially dangerous situation’ and guidelines help protect both children and staff. ‘The FA needs to come out of the towers at Lancaster Gate and really investigate what is going on,’ he said.”

The next year, in 1998, the club manager of a youth football club connected to Celtic F.C. was convicted of sexually assaulting three teenagers in the late ’60s and early ’70s. There were rumors that Celtic itself had been involved in a cover-up to keep the assaults secret.

In 1999, the Football Association announced a plan to identify young people who had been sexually abused and put them in contact with “specialists from social services.”

But public awareness of the problem didn’t seem widespread.

In 2005, a government-backed commission investigated “child protection in football.” The 59-page report, which said the structure of youth football puts children at risk, mentioned sexual assault or sexual offense only twice, both times in footnotes.

The report said there were 250 cases of alleged child abuse under investigation by the Football Association. At the time, the Guardian noted that the report “gives no details of the child abuse investigations that it cites … but they are thought to include inappropriate behaviour and bullying.”

A soccer executive responsible for child protection told the Guardian that she preferred to use the term “bad practice” and that the incidents “can’t be defined as child abuse unless somebody has been convicted.” She said all the cases her team had resolved did not involve a criminal conviction.

“It fell on deaf ears”

In the late ’90s, one young player who had been abused by Bennell waived his right to anonymity and went public. Ian Ackley appeared in the Dispatches documentary on how children were vulnerable in youth soccer programs. He spoke to the newspapers about the ordeal of Bennell’s assault.

It didn’t trigger a wave of revelations or outcry, the London Times writes:

“Where was the media outcry then, the demands for an inquiry, the FA inviting him down for a chat, the world throwing an arm around him? None of that happened.

” ‘It fell on deaf ears as far as the rest of the media world was concerned,’ [Ackley] says. ‘It was a taboo, like a dirty secret. People didn’t want to sully their hands with it.’ Extraordinarily, he gets those words out without bitterness. …

” ‘I thought it was done and dusted, I wouldn’t hear any more about it,’ he says.”

Instead, it was Woodward’s interview with the Guardian that took the pattern of serial assaults out of old criminal records and into the headlines.

FIFA, world soccer’s governing body, says it’s possible the pattern of pedophilia is not limited to the U.K. and that the world should be “very open to really listening” to anyone in world soccer who steps forward, the AP reports.

And investigators aren’t just grappling with hundreds of reports of pedophilia; they are looking into whether there were organized efforts to cover up the abuse.

On Friday, the Daily Mirror reported that a former Chelsea player said he was paid 50,000 pounds (more than $75,000) to keep quiet about years of sexual abuse he allegedly suffered at the hands of a soccer scout.

The massive scale of the scandal, which is still unfolding, has drawn comparisons to the case of Jimmy Savile, a British TV personality and serial predator who abused hundreds of underage girls during the decades he spent at the BBC.

Investigation into the Savile case uncovered other cultural icons who had committed indecent assault and rape of minors, including BBC broadcaster Stuart Hall and rock star Gary Glitter, and found that a “culture of deference” at the BBC allowed the men to commit abuse with impunity.

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Winners And Losers If 21st Century Cures Bill Becomes Law

Rep. Tim Murphy, R-Pa., embraces Rep. Fred Upton, R-Mich., during a media briefing about the 21st Century Cures Act on Capitol Hill Wednesday. Susan Walsh/AP hide caption

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Susan Walsh/AP

A sprawling health bill expected to pass the Senate, gain President Obama’s signature and become law before the end of the year is a grab bag for industries, academic institutions and patient groups that spent oodles of time and money lobbying to advance their interests.

Who wins and who loses?

Here’s the rundown of what’s at stake in the 21st Century Cures Act:

Winners

Pharmaceutical and Medical Device Companies

The law would likely save drug and device companies billions of dollars when it comes to bringing products to market by giving the Food and Drug Administration more discretion in the kinds of studies required to evaluate new devices and medicines for approval.

The changes represent a massive lobbying effort by 58 pharmaceutical companies, 24 device companies and 26 biotech companies, according to a Kaiser Health News analysis of lobbying data compiled by the Center for Responsive Politics. The groups reported more than $192 million in lobbying expenses on the Cures Act and other legislative priorities, the analysis shows.

Medical schools, hospitals and doctors

The law would provide $4.8 billion over 10 years in additional funding to National Institutes of Health, the federal government’s main biomedical research organization. (The funds aren’t guaranteed, however, and would be subject to annual appropriations.)

The money could help researchers at universities and medical centers get hundreds of millions more dollars in research grants, most of it toward research on cancer, neuroscience and genetic medicine.

The bill attracted lobbying activity from more than 60 schools, 36 hospitals and several dozen groups representing physician organizations. They reported spending more than $120 million in lobbying disclosures that included the Cures Act.

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Advocates for mental health and substance abuse treatment

The law would provide $1 billion in state grants over two years to address opioid abuse and addiction. While most of that money would go to treatment facilities, some would fund research.

The Cures Act would also boost funding for mental health research and treatment, with hundreds of millions of dollars authorized for dozens of existing and new programs.

Mental health, psychology and psychiatry groups spent $1.8 million on lobbying disclosures that included the Cures Act as an issue.

Patient groups

Groups focused on specific diseases and patient advocacy generally supported the legislation and lobbied vigorously for it. Many of these groups get a portion of their funding from drug and device companies. The bill includes more patient input in the drug development and approval process, and if it becomes law would boost the clout of such groups.

More than two dozen patient groups reported spending $6.4 million in disclosures that named the bill as one of their issues.

Health information technology and software companies

The law would push federal agencies and health providers nationwide to use electronic health records systems and to collect data to enhance research and treatment. Although the Cures Act wouldn’t specifically fund the effort, IT and data management companies could gain millions of dollars in new business.

More than a dozen computer, software and telecom companies reported Cures Act lobbying. The groups’ total lobbying spending was $35 million on it and other legislation.

The Food and Drug Administration would get more money for hiring, but probably not enough to solve its personnel problems. Andrew Harnik/AP hide caption

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Andrew Harnik/AP

Losers

Public health

The Cures Act would cut $3.5 billion — about 30 percent — from the Prevention and Public Health Fund established under Obamacare to promote prevention of Alzheimer’s disease, hospital acquired infections, chronic illnesses and other ailments.

Consumer and patient safety groups

Groups like Public Citizen and the National Center for Health Research either fought the bill outright or sought substantial changes. Although they won on some points, these groups still say the Cures Act opens the door for unsafe drug and device approvals and doesn’t address rising drug costs.

Medicaid patients seeking hair growth

The act says Medicaid would no longer help pay for drugs that help patients restore hair. The National Alopecia Areata Foundation spent $40,000 on lobbying disclosures this cycle that included the Cures Act.

Food and Drug Administration

The law would gives FDA an additional $500 million through 2026 and more hiring power, but critics say it isn’t enough to cover the additional workload under the bill. The agency also would get something it has opposed: renewal of a controversial voucher program that rewards companies for getting drugs approved to treat rare pediatric diseases.

Kaiser Health News is an editorially independent news service that is part of the nonpartisan Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation. KHN’s coverage of prescription drug development, costs and pricing is supported in part by the Laura and John Arnold Foundation.

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Today in Movie Culture: Felicity Jones Shows Off Her 'Rogue One' Moves, 'Toy Story' Meets 'Mad Max' and More

Here are a bunch of little bites to satisfy your hunger for movie culture:

Talk Show Appearance of the Day:

Felicity Jones was on The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon this week showing off some of her action moves from Rogue One: A Star Wars Story plus a badass clip:

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Movie Science of the Day:

Speaking of Star Wars, Kyle Hill explains why the iconic double sunset in the first movie would actually be cooler in real life:

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Custom Fan Build of the Day:

And also speaking of Star Wars, see Colin Furze create a giant AT-AT in a backyard for a kid’s playhouse (via Geek Tyrant):

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Mashup of the Day:

Given the fact that Disney’s Moana pays homage to Mad Max: Fury Road, maybe Toy Story 4 should, too, a la this Messy Pandas fan poster:

Set decades after humanity expires, toys roam the planet looking for purpose and double AA batteries. #toystory4 #disney #pixar #poster pic.twitter.com/lo8Tmvxqhu

— MessyPandas (@MessyPandas) November 27, 2016

Cosplay of the Day:

Speaking of Moana, the movie just came out in theaters, but the title character has already been perfectly cosplayed by the woman in the video below. See more photos of her in reenactments and convention appearances at Fashionably Geek.

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Vintage Poster of the Day:

Woody Allen, who turns 81 today, and Bette Midler, who turns 71 today, on the cartoony poster for Paul Mazursky’s 1991 film Scenes from a Mall:

Filmmaker in Focus:

Martin Scorsese gets a nice tribute montage via the BFI’s trailer for their upcoming retrospective of his movies:

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Character in Close-Up:

Kaptain Kristian shines a spotlight on the iconic Godzilla with a historical look at his origins and how he’s changed over the years:

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Supercut of the Day:

Need something to brighten your mood today? Here’s a supercut by Jose Rico of the best smiles in the movies (via Cinematic Montage Creators):

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Classic Trailer of the Day:

Today is the 60th anniversary of the release of The Girl Can’t Help It. Watch the original trailer for the Jayne Mansfield classic below.

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and

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In Idaho Lumber Country, Trump Voters Wait To See If He Can Jumpstart Jobs

The Tri-Pro Forest Products facility in Orofino, Idaho, closed in October after operators said they didn’t have a steady enough supply of logs to keep the sawmill running and profitable. Kirk Siegler/NPR hide caption

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Kirk Siegler/NPR

A few weeks before the election, the Tri-Pro lumber mill in north Idaho shut down. It was the second mill to close in the area in six months, putting more than a hundred people out of work.

While that’s big economic loss for any community, it was especially tough for the tight-knit town of Orofino and its 3,000 or so residents.

“It’s going to be a struggle, quite honestly,” says Mike Reggear, the supply manager and only employee left on the Tri-Pro payroll.

The mill officially closed Oct. 4, after operating on the site in one incarnation or another for nearly 60 years. The shuttered lumberyard is now eerily quiet as Reggear ties up some loose ends; the old mill, kilns and saws are ready to be hauled out.

“There were living-wage jobs [with good benefits] that have now been lost,” Reggear says, shaking his head.

Like most people in Clearwater County, where Orofino is located, Mike Reggear has spent his entire life working in the timber business. “Clearwater County has taken a double shot to the nose,” he says, following the closure of two mills that left more than a hundred people out of work. Kirk Siegler/NPR hide caption

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Kirk Siegler/NPR

The story behind Tri-Pro’s closure is an all-too-familiar one lately in north Idaho: Reggear says there just wasn’t a steady enough supply of logs available locally to keep the sawmill running and profitable. The amount of federal land open to logging has dwindled since the 1980s, and imports from Canada are cheaper.

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But just like any economic story in rural America today, it’s more complicated than that. And even in Idaho’s deeply conservative timber country, there are mixed feelings over whether President-elect Donald Trump can do much to turn things around.

Changing Times

Timber towns like Orofino, situated along railroad lines and rivers, were put on the map more than a hundred years ago when it seemed like there was a limitless supply of timber in the Northwest woods. The federal government — and specifically the U.S. Forest Service, run as an extension of the U.S. Department of Agriculture — was in the business of actively promoting logging.

Timber mill towns like Orofino were put on the map more than a hundred years ago when the timber supply in national forests seemed limitless. Today many federal lands are closed to logging, and unemployment rates in these towns are among the highest in Idaho. Kirk Siegler/NPR hide caption

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Kirk Siegler/NPR

The environmental mood of the country is significantly different today. So is the economy — mechanization, for instance, has meant that fewer people are needed to log in the woods or work in the mills.

At best, logging is a seasonal occupation, says Jerry Spencer, “so you try to diversify a little bit — because you can’t live on [work] eight months a year.”

One night over Coors Lights at the Ponderosa Restaurant, Spencer says he feels lucky he still can find work as an independent contractor, logging in the woods when he can.

Spencer and one of his buddies had been splitting time between north Idaho and the oil fields in North Dakota and Wyoming, where they drove trucks. Then oil prices tanked.

He’s not too eager to talk politics, but Spencer says he’s glad Donald Trump won.

“I’m Republican, almost everybody in this county’s Republican,” he says. “It’s a logging, resource-based county and that’s how it is.”

Now that the election is over, Spencer says he’s hopeful things can get better — “but I’m not going to bet on it, just yet.”

The main reason for his pessimism, he says, is that even if Trump were to open up more federal land to logging, there are hardly any mills left here to handle all that wood.

Still, the president-elect’s talk of returning to a time when natural resources — mining, timber and oil — were king resonates here.

“Those resources is what built this country,” Spencer says. “You can say what you want, but it was all built off of mining, timber, oil … the United States wasn’t built off of tech companies.”

Urban-Rural Divide

In the rural West, it’s not unusual to hear jabs like that directed at city dwellers. But the divide seems even more pronounced since the election.

Folks in Orofino are proud of their heritage as loggers and miners, but today, Clearwater County routinely has one of the highest unemployment rates in Idaho.

In Orofino’s quaint, small downtown, there are for-lease signs in empty store fronts. Locals will tell you they have to work two or three jobs — at the school, the Best Western, or for one of the local outfitters. Some are forced to commute 40 miles downriver to Lewiston.

Still, when it comes to the latest mill closure, many of the same locals grudgingly say they saw this coming for years.

“The first thing you do is cuss and kick the ground and rant a little bit, but the second is, you pull yourself up by those bootstraps and figure, OK, where do we go from here?” says Chris St. Germaine.

In the 1980s, St. Germaine moved to Orofino to take a job with the U.S. Forest Service after ski-bumming her way across the West. Today she runs the county’s one-person Office of Economic Development.

St. Germaine’s arrival in Orofino coincided with the time that the amount of federal lands available for logging started shrinking. The local timber economy subsisted because of logging on private lands, but even that has flat-lined. So St. Germaine and other civic leaders are pushing to diversify.

Despite the mill closures, it hasn’t been all doom and gloom: A rifle scope manufacturer opened recently, as did a company that makes jet boats. The hope is to draw more companies that cater to the fishing and hunting economy, and retrain mill workers.

“Clearwater County is a place where you can build it here, and test it out your back door,” St. Germaine says.

An Industry ‘Strangled’

But these are all long-term projects that likely won’t help people like Pat Goetz, who is scrambling to find jobs right now.

After working mostly as a bookkeeper in the timber industry since 1986, Goetz was laid off when Tri-Pro closed. So far the only jobs she’s seeing advertised are minimum wage.

Pat Goetz, 63, has worked in the timber industry since 1986. She lost her job and her health insurance when Tri-Pro abruptly shuttered in October. Kirk Siegler/NPR hide caption

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Kirk Siegler/NPR

“Once you take timber out of the equation in counties like Idaho County, Clearwater County, there isn’t much else,” she says.

Losing her health insurance was the biggest shock. At 63, she’s not yet eligible for Medicare, and she’s not sure whether she can afford to go on the exchanges to buy a replacement plan.

Goetz says she gets depressed watching, as she puts it, an industry being strangled to death.

“Young kids have to go somewhere else in order to make a living,” Goetz says. “My children had to move out.”

Like a lot of people in town, Goetz also didn’t think twice about voting for Donald Trump. She’s hoping he can help bring back timber towns like hers.

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Legal Battles Over Abortion Continue In States Across U.S.

Whatever a Trump administration does when it comes to abortion, state by state legal battles over the procedure will continue to play out. More lawsuits and another restrictions were announced this week.

AUDIE CORNISH, HOST:

There’s plenty of speculation about how the incoming Trump administration might restrict abortion. The president-elect has said he’d like to see the Supreme Court overturn Roe v. Wade and leave it to each state to decide whether to keep abortion legal. Trump has also nominated a staunch abortion opponent to lead the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Now, the fact is it’s already pretty hard to get an abortion in some states, and the legal battle is ongoing. Developments this week made that clear.

Joining us to talk more is NPR’s Jennifer Ludden. And I understand you want to start with Texas. That’s because officials there announced a state regulation that will require aborted fetuses to either be buried or cremated. What’s behind this?

JENNIFER LUDDEN, BYLINE: Well, supporters say this is about dignity, as they put it. This would show the same respect for unborn infants as for other human beings. They say that aborted fetuses should not be just treated as medical waste as happens now. Under the new rule, now it would be up to medical providers to pay for this burial or cremation.

Abortion rights groups say that, you know, this is a cost that’s going to be passed down to women that would create another kind of barrier to the procedure. And they also say that mandating, you know, cremation or burial of a fetus is a psychological burden. It really aims to shame women. And they plan to challenge the Texas rule before it’s slated to take effect December 19.

CORNISH: Now, how common is a statute like this?

LUDDEN: Well, Vice President-elect Mike Pence signed a similar law in Indiana earlier this year. Louisiana also passed one. Both those laws had been put on hold by courts before they took effect. I spoke with Americans United for Life, which promotes model legislation like this, and they say they are talking to lawmakers in other states, and we can expect to see more laws like this.

CORNISH: Meantime, abortion rights groups have actually filed new lawsuits I understand in three different states. What are they challenging?

LUDDEN: Right, so there’s Planned Parenthood, the ACLU and the Center for Reproductive Rights. They filed three lawsuits against three different laws in three different states. In North Carolina, there is a law that bans abortions after 20 weeks of pregnancy. It has an exception only in the case of medical emergencies.

In Missouri, there are restrictions on doctors and clinics, and abortion rights groups say they have closed all but one clinic that performs abortion in that state. And then in Alaska, there is a restriction that abortion rights groups say has forced women to fly to other states to have second-trimester abortions.

CORNISH: Now, abortion policy didn’t play that big a role in the election this year. I mean why do you think that these legal challenges are happening now?

LUDDEN: So this is really part of a process that, you know, has been going on for a number of years. We have had in recent years hundreds of abortion restrictions passed across the country driven by Republican-dominated legislatures. They have been working their way up. And earlier this year, we saw a landmark Supreme Court decision. The Supreme Court overturned laws in Texas, and in doing so it said that abortion restrictions should benefit women’s health. And despite supporters’ claims, these laws in Texas did not do that.

Now, abortion rights groups have said this is a case that they can apply to a lot of other restrictions. This is a precedent that will help them overturn other laws. And this week they said they’re going on the offensive with these three new lawsuits, and there’s going to be more to come.

CORNISH: So isn’t there a new risk for abortion rights groups in pursuing these legal challenges – right? If these lawsuits work their way up to the Supreme Court, there could be one or more justices appointed by President Trump by then.

LUDDEN: Right, and abortion rights groups do concede, yes, there is a new risk now. But they also say, you know, there is long-term precedent. That’s a big factor in Supreme Court decisions. And they point out that many justices from different administrations have all upheld a constitutional right to abortion over many decades, so they’re hopeful that that could still be the case on a Trump Supreme Court.

CORNISH: That’s NPR’s Jennifer Ludden. Jennifer, thank you.

LUDDEN: Thank you.

Copyright © 2016 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by Verb8tm, Inc., an NPR contractor, and produced using a proprietary transcription process developed with NPR. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.

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New York Yankees Great Derek Jeter Finds Golf 'Frustrating'

Retired baseball star Derek Jeter says he’s addicted to the game of golf, and played the other day with Tiger Woods. Jeter says it is “probably the most frustrating thing” he’s ever done.

STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:

Good morning. I’m Steve Inskeep. Derek Jeter retired from the New York Yankees but hasn’t given up sports. The one-time baseball star took up golf. He says he’s addicted to the game and played the other day with Tiger Woods. But as golfers know, it’s a tricky game. Jeter says it’s probably the most frustrating thing he’s ever done. The Yankee shortstop, who once hit Randy Johnson’s 95-mph fastballs, is now struggling to hit a ball that doesn’t even move. You’re listening to MORNING EDITION.

Copyright © 2016 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by Verb8tm, Inc., an NPR contractor, and produced using a proprietary transcription process developed with NPR. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.

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Grant Tinker, TV Producer And Network Boss, Dies At 90

Television executive Grant Tinker holds up his 1979 Hall of Fame award alongside his ex-wife Mary Tyler Moore at the Academy of Television Arts & Sciences’ 13th Annual Hall of Fame induction ceremonies in Los Angeles. Tinker, who brought The Mary Tyler Moore Show and other hits to the screen as a producer and a network boss, died on Monday. Chris Pizzello/AP hide caption

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Chris Pizzello/AP

Grant Tinker, who brought new polish to the TV world and beloved shows including Hill Street Blues to the audience as both a producer and a network boss, has died. He was 90.

Tinker died Monday at his Los Angeles home, according to his son, producer Mark Tinker.

Though he had three tours of duty with NBC, the last as its chairman, Tinker was perhaps best-known as the nurturing hand at MTM Enterprises, the production company he founded in 1970 and ran for a decade.

Nothing less than a creative salon, MTM scored with some of TV’s most respected and best-loved programs, including Lou Grant, Rhoda, The Bob Newhart Show and, of course, the series that starred his business partner and then-wife, Mary Tyler Moore.

“I am deeply saddened to learn that my former husband and professional mentor Grant Tinker has passed away,” Moore said in a statement. “Grant was a brilliant, driven executive who uniquely understood that the secret to great TV content was freedom for its creators and performing artists. This was manifest in his ‘first be best and then be first’ approach.”

Tinker summed it up with typical self-effacement in a 1994 interview with The Associated Press: “I just had the good luck to be around people who did the kind of work that the audience appreciates. The success just rubbed off on me.”

In 1981, Tinker flourished with that low-key approach in a last-ditch effort to save NBC, which was scraping bottom with its earnings, ratings, programs and morale. Five years later, when Tinker left to return to independent production, the network was flush thanks to hits such as The Cosby Show and Hill Street Blues.

Tinker, who had come to NBC as a management trainee in 1949 with legendary founder David Sarnoff still in charge, left the company for the last time at the end of an era, as NBC, along with its parent RCA, was about to be swallowed by General Electric.

In 2005, he won a prestigious Peabody Award honoring his overall career. In receiving his medallion, he called himself “a guy of no distinct or specific skills (who) always needed a lot of help.” He also had received the Governors Award from the Academy of Television Arts & Sciences.

“Grant Tinker was a great man who made an indelible mark on NBC and the history of television that continues to this day,” said Steve Burke, CEO of NBCUniversal, sole owner of the network since 2013. “He loved creative people and protected them, while still expertly managing the business. Very few people have been able to achieve such a balance.”

“His level of class set him apart from everyone else in our business,” said Bob Greenblatt, Chairman of NBC Entertainment, “and all of us at this company owe him a debt of gratitude. In fact, TV watchers everywhere do.”

Bob Newhart said in a statement that MTM created “this magical place where creativity and individuality (were nurtured). I was one of the people who was lucky enough to enjoy that freedom for 14 years on television.”

He “set the bar high both as a television executive and as a father,” said Mark Tinker. “I’m proud to be his son, and especially proud of the legacy he leaves behind in business and as a gentleman.”

Born in 1926, the son of a lumber supplier, Tinker had grown up in Stamford, Connecticut, and graduated from Dartmouth College before his first short stint at NBC.

Then he moved into advertising. At a time when ad agencies were heavily responsible for crafting programs its clients would sponsor, Tinker was a vice president at the Benton & Bowles agency when he helped develop The Dick Van Dyke Show for Procter & Gamble. There he met, and fell for, the young actress the whole country was about to fall in love with: Mary Tyler Moore.

Soon after the new CBS sitcom had begun its five-season run in fall 1961, Tinker returned to NBC, this time as vice president of West Coast programming.

Meanwhile, he and Moore became TV’s golden couple and, in 1962, they wed. (His first marriage had ended in divorce.)

Tinker stayed at NBC until 1967, after which he had brief stays at Universal and Twentieth Century Fox.

Then, with an itch to run his own shop, Tinker founded MTM and began developing its first series: a comedy to revive the flagging career of his wife.

The pilot for The Mary Tyler Moore Show rated poorly with test audiences. The heroine was dismissed for being over 30 and unmarried. Neighbor Phyllis (Cloris Leachman) was deemed too annoying, best friend Rhoda (Valerie Harper) “too New Yorky and brassy (read: Jewish),” as Tinker wrote in his 1994 memoir, Tinker in Television.

But the show, which premiered on CBS in fall 1970, was a critical and popular smash for seven seasons and became the flagship series of a studio whose mewing kitten (parodying the MGM lion) came to signify some of TV’s best.

Along the way, MTM became an incubator for some of TV’s best writers and producers, many of whom — like Steven Bochco, James L. Brooks and Tom Fontana — continue to excel in TV and films.

By 1981, Tinker’s stewardship of MTM had ended (as had his marriage to Moore) when he returned to NBC, where, he recalled in his book, “the company had lost its credibility with every important constituency — affiliates, advertisers, the press, the general public and its own employees.”

Under Tinker’s regime, NBC enjoyed a remarkable recovery. The Cosby Show was an overnight hit, but thanks to Tinker, slow starters such as Hill Street Blues (which was from MTM), Family Ties and Cheers were allowed to find their audience and became hits, too.

“Our practice was to make a judgment about a show,” Tinker recalled, “and, if we deemed it worthwhile, to really stay with it until it succeeded.”

Tinker left NBC in 1986, shortly after the announcement of its purchase by G.E.

He formed another independent studio, GTG Entertainment, in partnership with Gannett Newspaper Corporation, but its few series flopped and the company was dissolved.

Later, in somewhat of a reluctant retirement, Tinker spoke out against much of what he was seeing on television, particularly “reality” fare.

“These guys used to be corporate good citizens,” he told The AP in 2003, referring to TV programmers, “and I don’t see how they can close their eyes and turn their backs on things that air on their networks.”

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Tinker is survived by his wife, Brooke Knapp, sons Michael, Mark (an executive producer of NBC’s Chicago P.D.) and writer-producer John, and daughter Jodie DiLella.

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Today in Movie Culture: Wes Anderson's 'The Witch,' the Evolution of Movie Stunts and More

Here are a bunch of little bites to satisfy your hunger for movie culture:

Film History of the Day:

Stuntman Damien Walters chronicles the evolution of movie stunts in an amazing single performance in this video presented by Honda (via Collider):

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Reimagined Movie of the Day:

The Witch actually looks almost as good as Wes Anderson movie in this lighthearted reworking of the horror film:

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Movie Comparison of the Day:

Is Pixar repeating itself with its sequels? Couch Tomato shows us 24 reasons Finding Dory is the same movie as Toy Story 2:

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Cosplay of the Day:

As we get closer to the release of Rogue One, we’ll probably be seeing more Star Wars cosplay, like this terrific Gonk droid getup that a father and son built for Halloween. See more images at Fashionably Geek.

Regional Cinema of the Day:

Speaking of Rogue One, you can find footage of that movie in this BFI video celebrating new movies shot in the UK and/or made by British talent:

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Video Essay of the Day:

Inspired by Dan Harmon, this video essay by Will Schoder illustrates why all stories are the same (via /Film):

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Vintage Image of the Day:

Terrence Malick, who turns 73 today, with Martin Sheen on the set of Badlands in 1972:

Filmmaker in Focus:

Martin Scorsese likes to show things from God’s POV, as seen in this supercut from Jorge Luengo of overhead shots in his movies:

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Actor in the Spotlight:

For Vanity Fair, Natalie Portman discusses how she became Jackie Kennedy for the new biopic Jackie:

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Classic Trailer of the Day:

This weekend is the 70th anniversary of the release of John Ford’s My Darling Clementine. Watch the original trailer for the classic Western below.

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and

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Trump's Choice To Oversee Medicaid Signals Likely Changes

Big changes could be in store for Medicaid, the program that provides health care for more than 70 million. Trump has chosen the architect of Indiana’s Medicaid overhaul to run the program nationwide.

ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:

Medicaid could be in line for a makeover. The government program provides health insurance for more than 70 million Americans, most of them poor. As NPR’s Scott Horsley reports, President-elect Trump’s choice to lead the program wants to weave more personal responsibility into the social safety net.

SCOTT HORSLEY, BYLINE: Seema Verma, who Donald Trump has tapped to oversee Medicaid and Medicare, is the architect behind an ambitious experiment to reshape health care for the poor in Indiana. That state agreed to offer Medicaid to more people but only if recipients were required to pay at least a little bit for their own coverage.

Verma crafted the so-called Healthy Indiana Plan as a consultant to Governor and Vice President-elect Mike Pence. She’s also been an adviser to other red states looking to adopt the Indiana model.

JOAN ALKER: She’s certainly been a thought leader in the last few years for Republican states on the direction they’d like to see the Medicaid program go in.

HORSLEY: Joan Alker studies Medicaid as head of the Georgetown University Center for Children and Families. She says the philosophy behind the Indiana Plan is that Medicaid recipients will make better decisions about health care if some of their own money is at stake. Alker herself is skeptical of how that might work on a national level.

ALKER: We can expect to see some far-reaching changes contemplated for Medicaid that will erect many more barriers to coverage and, in some cases, very punitive barriers.

HORSLEY: Indiana health care advocate Susan Jo Thomas had some of those same concerns, but she agreed to go along with Verma’s plan knowing it was the only way policymakers in conservative Indiana would agree to expand Medicaid to cover more people.

SUSAN JO THOMAS: What I have come to understand is that three quarters of a loaf of bread is still pretty good (laughter) if you’re hungry.

HORSLEY: And Thomas, who heads a group called Covering Kids and Families of Indiana, has been pleasantly surprised by the results. Hundreds of thousands of Hoosiers signed up for expanded Medicaid coverage. The modest premiums recipients are required to pay go into a savings account which is supplemented by the government to be used for medical expenses.

There are penalties for recipients who overuse costly care in the emergency room and incentives to promote preventive care and other healthy choices. Thomas says any improvement would be welcome.

THOMAS: We rank in the bottom third of everything – everything that’s good (laughter) – and in the top third of everything that’s bad. If you’re fat and you smoke, you probably live in Indiana.

HORSLEY: It’s too soon to say whether the Indiana model improves health outcomes or saves money for the government. But as Medicaid overseer in the Trump administration, Verma will be in a position to promote similar experiments around the country. Thomas, who’s known Verma for more than 20 years, thinks she’ll approach that job without any rigid ideology.

THOMAS: Whatever she proposes will be a practical program. That I can say with a hundred percent. It’s sort of an Indiana thing. She’s not a native Hoosier, but she’s been here long enough that’s she’s starting to think like us.

HORSLEY: Joseph Antos of the conservative American Enterprise Institute says Verma’s efforts to reshape Medicaid are just part of what’s likely to be a larger Republican push to shrink the federal government’s role in health care while also trying to introduce more market mechanisms.

JOSEPH ANTOS: For the last six or seven years, Republicans have been talking a pretty good game about conservative-oriented health reform. Now Republicans are in charge. Now they actually have to follow through. It’ll be interesting to see how that works out.

HORSLEY: There are likely to be some big fights with Democrats and even among Republicans. Georgia Congressman Tom Price, who Trump has picked as his new health secretary, wants to eliminate the Affordable Care Act’s Medicaid expansion. That would strip away the money that paid for Indiana’s Medicaid experiment. Scott Horsley, NPR News.

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