Health

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CDC Says Flu Vaccine Should Be More Effective This Season

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends annual flu vaccination for people 6 months and older.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends annual flu vaccination for people 6 months and older. Justin Sullivan/Getty Images hide caption

itoggle caption Justin Sullivan/Getty Images

Last year’s flu vaccine didn’t work very well. This year’s version should do a much better job protecting people against the flu, federal health officials said Thursday.

An analysis of the most common strains of flu virus that are circulating in the United States and elsewhere found they match the strains included in this year’s vaccine, the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention said.

The results will hopefully encourage more people to get their flu shots, CDC Director Thomas Frieden said during a news conference.

“Get vaccinated,” Frieden said. “That’s the best way to protect yourself, your family and your community against flu.”

The CDC recommends annual flu vaccination for people 6 months and older. The flu season in the U.S. can start as early as October and stretch into May. Cases typically peak between December and February.

Public health officials were surprised last year when the dominant strain of circulating flu mutated after the flu vaccine had been formulated. As a result, the vaccine was only about 13 percent effective against the main strain. The flu vaccine is usually about 50 percent to 60 percent effective.

The poor protection provided by the vaccine contributed to last year’s flu season being unusually hard on the elderly, Frieden said. Officials recorded the highest hospitalization rate from the flu among the elderly ever documented, Frieden said.

In addition to getting vaccinated, Frieden also urged people who get sick from the flu to stay home and to start taking antiviral drugs as soon as they can. Antiviral drugs can minimize the symptoms and help people get better faster, he said.

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Despite Improving Economy, Poverty Remains Unchanged In 2014

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The Census Bureau released its annual report on income, poverty and health insurance coverage for 2014 on Wednesday. Poverty in the U.S. was unchanged last year, despite more jobs.

Transcript

ROBERT SIEGEL, HOST:

Despite an economy that’s doing better and more jobs, the U.S. poverty rate stayed the same last year. New figures from the Census Bureau showed that almost 1 in 7, or about 47 million people, were poor in 2014, and median household income remained flat. There was some good news, though, when it came to the number of Americans with health insurance. NPR’s Pam Fessler has more.

PAM FESSLER, BYLINE: The poverty rate was 14.8 percent last year, the same as the year before. That’s not great, says Valerie Wilson of the Economic Policy Institute because 2014 was a year with an especially big growth and jobs.

VALERIE WILSON: But unfortunately, that did not translate into wage, growth, income growth or significantly reduce poverty rates.

FESSLER: And last year, a family of four living on about $24,000 or less was considered poor. The Census Bureau also says median household incomes stayed basically the same at almost $54,000. But there were some big disparities. While 10 percent of non-Hispanic whites were poor last year, the poverty rate for blacks and Hispanics was about two-and-a-half times higher. And while that wasn’t a big change, Wilson says one change last year was very striking.

WILSON: African-American children saw an increase in their poverty rate this year by about 3.4 percentage points. And that was actually the only group of children for whom the poverty rate increased.

FESSLER: In fact, 37 percent of African-American children were poor. And the overall child poverty rate – 21 percent – was the highest of any age group. But Jane Waldfogel of Columbia University says there are some encouraging signs in an alternative measure also released today by the census. It shows the impact of safety net programs such as food stamps and tax breaks, something that the official poverty measure does not.

JANE WALDFOGEL: So the most important anti-poverty program for families with children are the refundable tax credits, the earned income tax credit and the child tax credit, and together, those are reducing child poverty by about 7 percentage points this year.

FESSLER: While that’s a substantial decline, Waldfogel says poverty among children in the U.S. remains exceptionally high. Kay Hymowitz of the Manhattan Institute in New York sees a lot of troubling numbers in today’s report. She says the addition of millions of jobs to the economy has had an uneven impact.

KAY HYMOWITZ: We’re not seeing an increase in income for those who are not able to take advantage – full advantage of the knowledge economy and are pushed into low wage service jobs.

FESSLER: She’d like to see more emphasis on education and work incentives such as the earned income tax credit. Hymowitz notes that today’s report shows that working families as well as those headed by married couples have far less poverty than those that are not.

HYMOWITZ: Single-mother families are five times as likely to be poor as married-couple families. Now that’s quite a dramatic difference.

FESSLER: Although Hymowitz did notice a small but disturbing uptick in poverty last year among those with a bachelor’s degree or higher and for families headed by married couples. One bright spot in today’s report involves health insurance. The Census Bureau says almost 90 percent of Americans were insured last year, the first full year of Obamacare. That means nearly 9 million more people had coverage than in 2013. Pam Fessler, NPR News, Washington.

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Small Changes By Employers Can Raise Workers' Health Costs

It may be harder for some employees to qualify for wellness incentives at work.

It may be harder for some employees to qualify for wellness incentives at work. Gillian Blease/Ikon Images/Corbis hide caption

itoggle caption Gillian Blease/Ikon Images/Corbis

During the open enrollment period for health insurance this fall, workers who get health coverage on the job may not see huge premium increases, significant hikes to deductibles or other out-of-pocket expenses. But there may be other less obvious changes that could make a real difference in coverage or costs, benefits consultants say.

Employers are focusing more sharply on employee wellness. And some employers are raising the bar for workers to qualify for incentives, says Tracy Watts, senior partner at human resources consultant Mercer.

Some employers have offered cash incentives, made deposits into health savings accounts or given workers breaks on premiums if they filled out an assessment of their health risks. But it’s becoming more common, Watts said, for employers to tie the incentives to requirements that workers participate in biometric screening, such as measuring workers’ blood pressure, cholesterol or blood sugar levels to ensure they’re within recommended ranges.

Likewise, some employers that had already moved to require biometric screening to earn financial rewards are now moving to limit those perks to people who’ve achieved target levels or who are working with a health coach to get there.

Premium increases for dependents, especially spouses who have health insurance available through their own jobs, are likely to be higher next year than for employee-only coverage.

“If employee-only coverage is going up 5 percent, coverage for the spouse and maybe the family is going up 10 percent,” says Randall Abbott, a senior consultant at Towers Watson.

As workers evaluate their plan offerings, one key area to check is coverage of specialty prescriptions, pricey drugs that often require special handling or administration and are typically used to treat complex conditions such as cancer, hepatitis C or multiple sclerosis. Biologic drugs derived from living cells are often considered specialty drugs. Specialty drugs currently account for about one-third of total drug spending in the U.S., and that figure could increase to half by 2018, according to a report published in August by the Congressional Research Service.

Health plans’ strategies to contain specialty drug spending may make it tougher for consumers to access them. “We’re seeing acute attention to prescription drugs, especially specialty drugs,” says Abbott.

In addition, some employers have been ratcheting back generous health benefits and shifting more costs to workers in anticipation of the so-called Cadillac tax on health plans with generous benefits.

Under the law, employee health benefits that exceed $10,200 for single-coverage and $27,500 for family coverage in 2018 will trigger a health plan excise tax of 40 percent on the amounts over those thresholds.

Delving into coverage details may not be the formidable task it once was because employers and insurers increasingly are making tools available that help workers evaluate and compare plans.

And the effort can be worthwhile. “Even if you’re planning on staying with the same plan, that plan may be changing,” says Craig Rosenberg, who leads the health and welfare benefits administration practice at Aon Hewitt. What’s more, he says, “your health may be changing, and maybe the best health plan for you has changed.”

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Medicare Fails To Save Money So Far On Cooperative Care Experiment

A high-profile Medicare project pushing doctors and hospitals to join together to operate more efficiently has yet to save the government money. Nearly half of the groups’ care was more costly than the government estimated it would be based on historical data, federal records show.

The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services offers bonuses to health care practitioners who band together as accountable care organizations, or ACOs, to take care of patients. The financial incentives are intended to encourage these doctors, hospitals, nursing homes and other institutions to keep patients healthy rather than primarily treat illnesses, which is what Medicare payments traditionally have rewarded. ACOs that save a substantial amount get to keep a share of the savings as a bonus.

The Obama administration touts ACOs as one of the most promising reforms in the 2010 federal health care law. The administration set a goal that by the end of 2018, half of Medicare spending currently based on the volume of procedures a doctor or hospital performs will instead be linked to quality and frugality. But so far the ACO program generally has been a one-way street. Most doctors and hospitals have been happy to accept bonuses while declining to be on the hook for a share of excessive costs run up by their patients.

Last year, Medicare paid $60 billion to 353 ACOs to take care of nearly 6 million Medicare beneficiaries. Some ACOs made significant strides in reducing use of hospitals and other costly resources. But patients at 45 percent of groups cost Medicare more than the government had projected based on historic trends, records show. After paying bonuses to the strong performers, the ACO program resulted in a net loss of nearly $3 million to the Medicare trust fund, government records show.

“It’s turning out to be tougher to transform care and realign delivery than people had expected,” said Eric Cragun, an analyst with The Advisory Board Company, a consulting group based in Washington.

Medicare officials said most ACOs are still in their infancy, and that performance and savings will improve with experience. “In the long run we’re shooting to achieve those goals,” Sean Cavanaugh, CMS’ deputy administrator, said in an interview.

Get The Data

ACCOUNTABLE CARE ORGANIZATION PERFORMANCE 2014

Medicare expected accountable care organizations would be saving Medicare millions by now, but the program is falling short of targets, data show.

Nonetheless, the results have fallen short of what Medicare projected in 2011, when ACOs were launched. Those estimates anticipated the government would save between $10 million and $320 million during 2014.

Taking Financial Risks Is A Big Step

The ACO program’s bottom line has been hurt by the reluctance of most ACOs to accept financial responsibility for their patients. Only 7 percent of ACOs opted last year for a high-risk/high-reward deal in which they had the potential to earn larger bonuses but would have to reimburse the government should their patients cost Medicare more than expected.

The rest of the ACOs opted to avoid the potential of financial punishment even though it meant their potential bonuses would be smaller. The risk aversion proved so widespread that Medicare has given ACOs up to six years to participate without fear of penalties, instead of phasing out that option.

“Many of these ACOs are newly formed groups of doctors and hospitals, and bearing risk is a big leap,” Cavanaugh said.

Last year, 196 ACOs saved Medicare money, while 157 ACOs cost more than expected. Medicare ultimately didn’t achieve any savings because it paid bonuses to 97 ACOs. Only three of the costly ACOs had to repay Medicare for losses their patients incurred.

In Oregon, North Bend Medical Center ACO patients cost Medicare $9 million. Spending for those patients was 12 percent more than projected, the largest gap of any ACO. In Los Angeles, the government spent $20 million, or 11 percent, more than expected for ACO patients at Cedars-Sinai Medical Care Foundation. That was the largest amount in dollars. Both ACOs had chosen to be exempt from financial penalties.

North Bend dropped out earlier this year.

Cedars-Sinai said its ACO patients ended up being more expensive than other previous patients because the hospital added new physician practices specializing in cancer and heart disease, which are among the most costly conditions to treat. In a statement Thursday, Cedars said it unintentionally failed to include those patients in the comparisons it sent to Medicare and was now revising its calculations.

Even some of the ACOs that saved the most money have yet to accept financial risk. Costs for patients at Winchester Community ACO in Massachusetts were 16 percent less than Medicare estimated. The ACO earned a bonus of $5 million. Catharine Robertson, an executive with Winchester Hospital, said its cost-saving initiatives were created when the ACO was formed. One team at the ACO identified patients as high risk of getting sick and sought to intercede before they ended up requiring hospitalization.

“We’re absolutely thrilled with our success the last few years, but the reality is there’s a lot to learn about population-based management,” she said.

The largest bonus in dollars, $23 million, went to Memorial Hermann Accountable Care Organization in Houston, which was 11 percent below Medicare’s cost expectations. Christopher Lloyd, the CEO of Memorial Hermann’s ACO, credited its success to a decade’s worth of changes that improved cooperation among physicians and the hospital, as well as the creation of systems to share medical details of patients.

“The ACO when we formed it in 2012 was just an extension of what we were already doing,” Lloyd said. He said committed ACOs could make the same improvements in three to four years. “What took us 10 years to build does not take 10 years to replicate,” he said. Still, Memorial Hermann, like Winchester, is not yet accepting risk.

Difficulties In Implementation

To wring overall savings for Medicare, the government faces a bind, analysts said. If Medicare makes the potential of repayments mandatory, many existing ACOs may drop out and new ones are less likely to join. If the majority of ACOs continue to risk no financial repercussions, they have less incentive to save the government money. And without showing savings, it will be hard for Medicare to expand the ACO approach.

Clif Gaus, president of the National Association of ACOs, said Medicare should be making it easier for ACOs to earn bonuses as they assemble their operations. “Any startup company, I don’t care who they are, never makes profits in the early years,” Gaus said. “Starting a health care delivery system is just as hard, if not harder, than starting a Facebook or an Amazon.”

Because Medicare sets its expectations based on national spending averages, “it’s really hard to save money in some parts of the country,” said David Muhlestein, an executive at the consulting firm Leavitt Partners based in Salt Lake City. “We’ve talked to ACOs that have joined the program, started to make changes and decided that it’s really too much work right now.”

Sharp Healthcare, a well-regarded five-hospital system in San Diego, dropped out of the program last year after concluding it might not be able to avoid penalties. In a financial statement, Sharp said that because Medicare’s assessments are “based on national financial trend factors that are not adjusted for specific conditions that an ACO is facing in a particular region (e.g., San Diego), the model was financially detrimental to Sharp ACO.”

University of Virginia professor Jeff Goldsmith, a longtime ACO critic, said the model is flawed. Consumers don’t actively opt to participate in the ACOs and don’t share in any savings, so they lack financial incentives to help keep costs down, he said. ACOs also have limited leverage to control the costs incurred by highly paid specialists such as surgeons and cardiologists. Patients in ACOs can still go to any doctor who accepts Medicare’s regular method of paying, in which they receive a set fee based on the nature of the service without regard to its outcome.

“Faux managed care is actually harder to do than real managed care,” Goldsmith said. The ACO program, he said, “has a bad enough reputation in the provider community that is not going to grow sufficiently to replace regular Medicare.”

The Obama administration is more optimistic. The administration said patients are benefiting with better care, as most quality measures Medicare is using to track ACO performance improved between 2013 and 2014.

Actuaries at CMS believe the ACOs are performing better than they appear when compared with the historical benchmarks that the health law established and that CMS has been using. The actuaries employed an alternative method in a report issued last spring, comparing Medicare spending trends in places with ACOs and those without, and concluded that, overall, ACOs were saving money.

Still, ACOs’ appetite for taking risk remains small. The number of ACOs opting for the largest potential bonuses and penalties has shrunk from 32 at the start of the program to 19. Rob Lazerow, an Advisory Board consultant, said, “In a world where ACOs are still optional, CMS still has to make it attractive for providers to want to participate.”

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California Approves Physician-Assisted Suicide; Bill Heads To Governor's Desk

Debbie Ziegler holds a photo of her daughter, Brittany Maynard, as hugs supporter Ellen Pontac after a right-to-die measure was approved by the state Assembly on Wednesday in Sacramento, Calif.

Debbie Ziegler holds a photo of her daughter, Brittany Maynard, as hugs supporter Ellen Pontac after a right-to-die measure was approved by the state Assembly on Wednesday in Sacramento, Calif. Rich Pedroncelli/AP hide caption

itoggle caption Rich Pedroncelli/AP

A controversial bill to legalize physician-assisted suicide in California is headed to the governor for consideration, after almost nine months of intense — often personal — debate in the legislature.

If Gov. Jerry Brown signs the bill, California would become the fifth state to allow doctors to prescribe lethal medication to terminally ill patients who request it, after Oregon, Washington, Vermont and Montana.

“Our hope, our fervent hope, is that Gov. Jerry Brown will sign this bill and bring relief to hundreds of dying Californians,” said Toni Broaddus, state campaign director for advocacy group Compassion & Choices.

The California bill was modeled after the Oregon law. It requires two different doctors to determine that a patient has six months or less to live before prescribing the drugs. Patients must be physically able to swallow the medication themselves, and must have the mental capacity to make medical decisions.

Numerous additional safeguards were added to the bill in recent months to sway opponents, including a sunset clause that ends the law in 10 years. Patients must request the drugs three times to receive them — once in writing before two witnesses — and they must sign a form two days before ingesting the medication.

“I can assure you that the joint and co-authors on this bill … have endeavored to build in protections in this law that are stronger than the protections in any of the states where this has been practiced,” said Sen. Bill Monning, D-Carmel.

The bill continued to face fierce opposition, however, from religious groups and disability rights advocates. They are concerned that elderly and disabled people, especially those who are low-income, could be pressured into taking the drugs in order to end or avoid expensive, life-sustaining care. They fear the protections are not enough, and that family members or other heirs could slip the drugs to the patient without their knowledge or consent.

“The legislation effectively paints a target on the back of each and every elderly and disabled person in our state,” said Sen. Joel Anderson, R-San Diego, paraphrasing an elder abuse advocate. “The promises and assurances of the safeguards and protections from the representatives of those in favor are based in innocent ignorance.”

Opponents also criticized the procedure for getting the bill through the Legislature. During the normal legislative session, the bill stalled in the Assembly Health Committee when authors couldn’t get enough votes. Several Democrats from Southern California would not support it.

But proponents managed to navigate through that roadblock by re-introducing the bill during a special session on health care financing, where committee memberships were different. The bill passed the Assembly on Wednesday 44 to 35, and it passed the Senate on Friday 23 to 14.

Gov. Jerry Brown’s office also criticized the political pathway, saying the special session was not the appropriate venue for the physician-assisted suicide bill. But Brown has not indicated where he stands on the issue itself, nor whether he will sign or veto the bill. If he does nothing, after 30 days the bill will become law.

This story is part of a reporting partnership with NPR, KQED and Kaiser Health News.

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Price Soars For Key Weapon Against Heroin Overdoses

A nasal spray version of the overdose-reversing drug naloxone demonstrated at police headquarters in Quincy, Mass., in 2014.
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A nasal spray version of the overdose-reversing drug naloxone demonstrated at police headquarters in Quincy, Mass., in 2014. Gretchen Ertl/Reuters/Landov hide caption

itoggle caption Gretchen Ertl/Reuters/Landov

Around the U.S., a worsening heroin epidemic has more and more cities turning to the anti-overdose drug naloxone to reduce deaths from abuse. Also known as Narcan, the medication blocks the effects of opioids and reverses the respiratory depression that occurs during an overdose.

Baltimore recently stepped up its naloxone training, focusing on drug users, and their families and friends. So far this year, city health workers have taught nearly 4,400 people how to use naloxone. That’s more than quadruple the number trained in 2014.

A big concern for Baltimore and other cities is the price of naloxone, which has risen dramatically as demand has gone up. In February, the Baltimore City Health Department was paying about $20 a dose. By July, the price had climbed to nearly $40 a dose.

Maryland Rep. Elijah Cummings, ranking member of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, places the blame squarely on the manufacturers and, in particular, Amphastar Pharmaceuticals, the company that makes the naloxone most widely used by health departments and police.

“When drug companies increase their prices and charge exorbitant rates, they decrease the access to the drug,” Cummings said this summer. “There’s something awfully wrong with that picture.”

Amphastar says it raised prices because of increased manufacturing costs, including a rise in the prices of raw materials, energy and labor.

Naloxone isn’t a new drug. It was first approved by the Food and Drug Administration in 1971 as an injectable medication, used primarily in hospital settings.

Today, Baltimore and other cities are choosing intranasal naloxone for community use — naloxone that can be sprayed into the nostril and doesn’t require needles. The intranasal delivery method isn’t explicitly approved by the FDA. Amphastar is currently the only company that makes naloxone in a dosage that can be administered that way.

Daniel Raymond is policy director for the Harm Reduction Coalition, which advocates for broader access to naloxone. He discussed naloxone pricing over the years, the changing market for the drug and what it means for prices and competition. Here are highlights, edited for length and clarity, from a conversation with All Things Considered‘s Audie Cornish.

On the price of naloxone a decade ago

When we started following this issue, it was over 10 years ago, and for the injectable naloxone it was about a dollar a shot. Each vial was dirt cheap. So it’s been a really dramatic increase over a fairly short period of time.

On how the market for naloxone has changed

Emergency rooms have traditionally been the main purchasers of naloxone. It’s also used by anesthesiologists, and it’s been used on some ambulances. So it was typically a hospital market. The hospital would buy in bulk, and there wasn’t a whole lot of prescribing going on.

Now we’ve got over 40 states that have passed laws facilitating access to naloxone, and have first responders carrying it and community distribution. That’s the majority of the country that’s moving in this direction of making naloxone more accessible.

On intranasal naloxone and potential new competitors

Amphastar is currently the only manufacturer in the U.S. who makes the dosage of naloxone used for intranasal administration. They have no competition. They can set whatever price they want, and almost a year ago, they decided to almost double that price. It’s hitting programs and health departments and first responders across the country really hard.

There are a couple companies that saw the need for an FDA-approved intranasal naloxone device. They’ve designed new devices that they’ve submitted to FDA for approval. So, I’m hoping by the end of the year, we’ll have one or two other intranasal naloxone devices available. The challenge will be whether these companies decide they want to compete on price, or they just want to take a share of the market.

On Evzio – the naloxone auto-injector

What the makers of Evzio — a company called kaleo — thought about was: Can we make something that your grandmother could use? So they designed this cartridge that’s an auto-injector. It actually talks you through the process of reversing an overdose. Now, they needed to do the research to show they had the right dose, to show that people could actually follow the instructions and use it without any training at all. And they needed to do all the manufacturing and assembling. So those R&D costs start to add up. The costs of the production line start to add up. Their gamble was, if they could take the complexity of educating somebody out of the picture, then they could drive more doctors to prescribe this.

On pharmaceutical companies’ pricing strategies

I think their choice in front of them is that they can have a narrow market at higher prices, or a much broader market at lower prices. Either way, they’re going to making money. The latter way, they’re saving more lives.

NPR and All Things Considered will continue reporting from Baltimore in the coming months, checking in with Baltimore Health Commissioner Leana Wen and her team periodically. Stay tuned for future stories.

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House Begins Series Of Hearings On Defunding Planned Parenthood

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The House Judiciary Committee held the first hearing Wednesday to investigate whether Planned Parenthood is breaking any laws, but it quickly focused instead on whether abortion should be legal.

Transcript

AUDIE CORNISH, HOST:

House Republicans want to defund Planned Parenthood, and that effort began today with the first in a series of hearings. This was all prompted by sting videos that sought to implicate the women’s health group in various crimes related to the collection of fetal tissue for research. NPR’s Jennifer Ludden reports that much of today’s discussion focused on the morality of abortion itself.

JENNIFER LUDDEN, BYLINE: Chairman Bob Goodlatte has billed the hearing as an investigation, but its very title made the majority position clear.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

BOB GOODLATTE: We welcome everyone to this morning’s hearing on Planned Parenthood Exposed – Examining the Horrific Abortion Practices at the Nation’s Largest Abortion Provider.

LUDDEN: Arizona Republican Trent Franks talked about his disgust while watching this summer’s sting videos.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

TRENT FRANKS: Corporate officers and employees of Planned Parenthood casually discussing their rampant practice of harvesting and selling the little body parts from many of the hundreds of thousands of innocent babies they are guilty of killing in their abortion clinics across this nation.

LUDDEN: Planned Parenthood denies any wrongdoing, and the videos show no evidence of it. But Planned Parenthood wasn’t actually invited to testify. There were two women who survived botched abortions, including Gianna Jessen.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

GIANNA JESSEN: My medical records state, born alive during saline abortion – 6 a.m. – ha, victory.

LUDDEN: For nearly four hours, Democrats and Republicans mostly talked past each other. They argued over the term fetus versus baby, whether a dilation and evacuation procedure is humane, the definition of infanticide. A witness from the National Right to Life committee suggested new restrictions are needed to address that. Exasperated, Democrat Steve Cohen of Tennessee said his Republican colleagues weren’t really there to talk about the videos at all.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

STEVE COHEN: They want to outlaw abortion, and they won’t be happy until abortion is outlawed in the United States of America.

LUDDEN: And that was about the only point both sides agreed on. Federal law already bans spending taxpayer money on abortion. Yale law professor Priscilla Smith said the $500 million Planned Parenthood gets mostly through Medicaid pays for cancer screenings, treatment for sexually transmitted diseases and contraception. Cutting that, she told Wisconsin Republican Jim Sensenbrenner, would mean more unintended pregnancies.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

PRISCILLA SMITH: It’s really a no-brainer. It makes no sense not to fund those services if you want to reduce the number of abortions.

JIM SENSENBRENNER: Well, I don’t think there’s statistics that indicated that that’s the case.

SMITH: There absolutely are.

SENSENBRENNER: And we’re way out of time, so I’ll yield back.

LUDDEN: In a statement, Planned Parenthood noted a long history of sting videos by abortion opponents dating back to 2000. They also prompted congressional hearings, but their accusations turned out to be false. Republican leaders have suggested they don’t have the votes to defund the group, but House members say they plan more hearings soon. Jennifer Ludden, NPR News, Washington.

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Veterans Used In Secret Experiments Sue Military For Answers

Historic images from the Naval Research Laboratory depict results of a test subject who was exposed to mustard gas.
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Historic images from the Naval Research Laboratory depict results of a test subject who was exposed to mustard gas. Naval Research Laboratory hide caption

itoggle caption Naval Research Laboratory

American service members used in chemical and biological testing have some questions: What exactly were they exposed to? And how is it affecting their health?

Tens of thousands of troops were used in testing conducted by the U.S. military between 1922 and 1975. As one Army scientist explained, the military wanted to learn how to induce symptoms such as “fear, panic, hysteria, and hallucinations” in enemy soldiers. Recruitment was done on a volunteer basis, but the details of the testing and associated risks were often withheld from those who signed up.

Many of the veterans who served as test subjects have since died. But today, those who are still alive are part of a class action lawsuit against the Army. If they’re successful, the Army will have to explain to anyone who was used in testing exactly what substances they were given and any known risks. The Army would also have to provide those veterans with health care for any illnesses that result, in whole or in part, from the testing.

The law firm representing the veterans estimates at least 70,000 troops were used in the testing, including World War II veterans exposed to mustard gas, whom NPR reported on earlier this summer.

Bill Blazinski has chronic lymphocytic leukemia, which he thinks may have been caused by the military tests. He was 20 years old and had just graduated from boot camp when he volunteered in 1968.

“There would be a guaranteed three-day pass every weekend unless you had a test,” he says. “There would be no kitchen police duties, no guard duties. And it sounded like a pretty good duty.”

What sounded more like a vacation than military duty quickly changed, he says. In one test, doctors said they would inject him with an agent and its antidote back to back.

“We were placed in individual padded cells. And you know the nurse left and I’m looking at this padded wall and I knew it was solid but all of a sudden started fluttering like a flag does up on a flag pole,” he recalls.

To learn about what substances made him hallucinate, in 2006, Blazinski requested the original test documents under the Freedom of Information Act. It showed two antidotes for nerve agent poisoning with dangerous known side effects.

Researchers kept information about which agents they were administering from test subjects to avoid influencing the test results. A lawyer representing the veterans, Ben Patterson of the law firm Morrison and Foerster, says that’s a problem.

“They don’t know what they were exposed to. You know, some of these substances were only referred to by code names,” Patterson says.

Code names such as CAR 302668. That’s one of the agents, records show, that researchers injected into Frank Rochelle in 1968.

During one test, Rochelle remembers that the freckles on his arms and legs appeared to be moving. Thinking bugs had crawled under his skin, he tried using a razor blade from his shaving kit to cut them out. After that test, he says he hallucinated for 40 hours.

“There were animals coming out of the walls,” he says. “I saw a huge rabbit and he was solid white with red eyes.”

In 1975, the Army’s chief of medical research admitted to Congress that he didn’t have the funding to monitor test subjects’ health after they went through the experiments. Since then, the military says it has ended all chemical and biological testing.

Test subjects like Rochelle say that’s not enough.

“We were assured that everything that went on inside the clinic, we were going to be under 100 percent observation; they were going to do nothing to harm us,” he says. “And also we were sure that we would be taken care of afterwards if anything happened. Instead we were left to hang out to dry.”

The Department of Justice is representing the Army in the case and declined to comment for this story. In June, an appeals court ruled in favor of the veterans. On Friday, the Army filed for a rehearing.

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Experimental Drug Provides New Approach To Fighting Alzheimer's

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A new experimental drug is designed to slow down Alzheimer’s by protecting brain cells from toxins associated with the disease. That’s a different approach from other Alzheimer’s drugs, which have tried to eliminate those toxins.

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ROBERT SIEGEL, HOST:

Efforts to treat Alzheimer’s disease have so far been disappointing. Researchers are now trying a different approach. They’re using an experimental drug designed to protect the brain from the damage caused by Alzheimer’s. NPR’s Jon Hamilton explains.

JON HAMILTON, BYLINE: The hallmarks of Alzheimer’s are plaques and tangles in the brain made up of toxic proteins. And so far, most efforts to treat the disease have focused on eliminating these proteins. But Lon Schneider at the University of Southern California says that approach may be too narrow.

LON SCHNEIDER: Alzheimer’s being a complex disease in which multiple processes are involved suggests that there need to be multiple interventions.

HAMILTON: Schneider sees potential in an experimental drug. It works not by eliminating toxic proteins, but by helping neurons survive despite exposure to these proteins.

SCHNEIDER: This drug serves as a neuroprotectant and prevents further neuronal loss.

HAMILTON: The drug, owned by Toyama Chemical Company in Japan is called T-817MA, and Schneider, who has consulted for Toyama, says it worked well in rodents with a form of Alzheimer’s.

SCHNEIDER: Compared to the animals that did not receive medication, there was far less loss of neurons.

HAMILTON: Now, researchers are preparing to study the drug in 450 people in the early stages of Alzheimer’s. Finding that many participants is a challenge, so researchers are using a video to help get the word out. It lets people know whether they might qualify to participate in the study, which is called NOBLE.

(SOUNDBITE OF VIDEO)

UNIDENTIFIED WOMAN #1: The NOBLE study will evaluate an investigational drug specifically for people with mild-to-moderate Alzheimer’s designed to protect the brain against neuron loss in order to suppress the progression of disease.

HAMILTON: Schneider says the NOBLE study is likely to finish enrolling patients in the next few weeks and will take about a year to complete.

SCHNEIDER: Were looking at a year timeline outcome, rather than six months or 18 months because we feel that we can detect a meaningful change within that period of time.

HAMILTON: Researchers are hoping that Alzheimer’s patients who get the drug will show less mental decline than those who receive a placebo. Jon Hamilton, NPR News.

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Most Health Savings Account Owners Stick With Conservative Options

How people allocate the money in their health savings accounts affects the likely growth rate of the balance.

How people allocate the money in their health savings accounts affects the likely growth rate of the balance. Leigh Wells/Ikon Images/Corbis hide caption

itoggle caption Leigh Wells/Ikon Images/Corbis

Only a tiny fraction of the growing number of people with health savings accounts invests the money in their accounts in the financial markets, a recent study finds. The vast majority leave their contributions in savings accounts instead where the money may earn lower returns.

People who have had their health savings accounts open longer are more likely to invest their contributions, suggesting that there’s a learning curve in grasping how the accounts work and how to use them, says Paul Fronstin, director of the Health Research and Education Program at the Employee Benefit Research Institute and the study’s author.

Forty-seven percent of HSAs with investments were opened between 2005 and 2008. In 2014, just 5 percent of HSAs that were opened had investments.

Since they were introduced in 2004, health savings accounts have offered people with high-deductible health plans that meet certain criteria a way to set aside money tax-free to cover medical expenses. HSA contributions are deposited pretax, grow tax-free and aren’t taxed when distributed if they’re used for qualified medical expenses.

Because of the tax advantages, saving for health care expense in retirement using an HSA may be a better option than using a 401(k) or other retirement savings account for that purpose, say advocates. If an HSA is offered through an employer, both the employer and employee can contribute to the accounts, and the money belongs to the individual if he leaves his job.

This year, plans that link to HSAs must have a deductible of at least $1,300 for single coverage and $2,600 for family coverage, among other requirements.

About two-thirds of health savings accounts offer individuals the ability to use an investment option, says Eric Remjeske, president of Devenir, an investment adviser for health savings accounts.

Yet few consumers are taking advantage of the investment options.

The EBRI study found that 6.4 percent of people with HSAs invested their health savings account contributions in mutual funds or other financial vehicles. The remainder left the contributions in savings accounts, where their money isn’t at risk from market fluctuations. The study examined 2014 data from 2.9 million health savings accounts with $5 billion in assets, covering about 20 percent of the HSA market.

The study didn’t explore why consumers made their HSA choices. However, Fronstin says that in addition to being unfamiliar with how health savings accounts can be used, there may be other roadblocks that discourage people from investing their HSA contributions.

A minimum savings account balance may be required before people can move funds into an investment account, and fees may be charged on the investment account.

And even though people can liquidate their investments at any time generally without penalty, “people may not want to tie up their HSA money in an investment account when they may need it to cover a medical expense,” says Fronstin.

Fronstin is planning to do research to determine how many people use their health savings accounts primarily as an investment or retirement savings vehicle rather than for current medical expenses.

People with investment accounts didn’t refrain from using their HSA for medical expenses, however. Average annual distributions for medical claims were $1,777 for HSAs with investments and $1,293 for those without.

You can contact Kaiser Health News to send comments or ideas for future coverage concerning health insurance.

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