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Heroin, Opioid Abuse Put Extra Strain On U.S. Foster Care System

A young boy talks with Tina Cloer, director of the Children's Bureau, in Indianapolis. The nonprofit shelter takes in children from the state's Department of Child Services when a suitable foster family can't be found. Cloer says the average length of stay at the shelter has increased from two days to 10 in 2015.
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A young boy talks with Tina Cloer, director of the Children’s Bureau, in Indianapolis. The nonprofit shelter takes in children from the state’s Department of Child Services when a suitable foster family can’t be found. Cloer says the average length of stay at the shelter has increased from two days to 10 in 2015. Jake Harper/Side Effects Public Media hide caption

itoggle caption Jake Harper/Side Effects Public Media

Last year, Erin and Isaac Hougland of Indianapolis got certified to become foster parents, with the hope of adopting a baby. Just a few weeks later, they got a call.

An 8-week-old baby needed a home. All they knew was that the boy’s mother was a heroin addict and had left him at the hospital. They were told that because of the drugs, the baby might require some special care. But mostly, he just needed a place to go.

“Both of us were just like, ‘Let’s do it,’ ” says Isaac Hougland. “We wrapped up what we were doing at work and went to the hospital.”

The Houglands’ foster son is part of a new national influx of kids coming into foster care because parents abusing heroin or prescription painkillers can no longer care for them.

A recent report by the federal government shows that, after years of decline, the number of children in foster care is going up again. Roughly 265,000 kids entered foster care last year — the highest number since 2008.

Between September of 2013 and September of 2015, Indiana saw the number of “children in need of services” jump by 40 percent. In more than half of new cases in which children had to be removed from their homes, substance abuse was listed as a reason. As in other states (such as nearby Ohio), officials in Indiana blame heroin and prescription painkillers.

The increase is taxing the child welfare system, officials say. Children of addicts often need special care and counseling, and they often stay in the system longer because it can take months or years for their parents to get clean.

Marilyn Moores, a juvenile court judge in Indianapolis, says many case managers and court employees are feeling overwhelmed with the rising number of child welfare cases they're seeing.

Marilyn Moores, a juvenile court judge in Indianapolis, says many case managers and court employees are feeling overwhelmed with the rising number of child welfare cases they’re seeing. Jake Harper/Side Effects Public Media hide caption

itoggle caption Jake Harper/Side Effects Public Media

“We have more children than we’ve ever had in our system in Indiana,” says Mary Beth Bonaventura, director of the state’s Department of Child Services. “That puts a stress on the staff, a stress and strain on providers.” And it’s increasingly a challenge, she says, “to find and recruit and train qualified foster families.”

If the Houglands hadn’t provided a home for their foster son, he might have ended up at an emergency shelter like the Children’s Bureau, a nonprofit in Indianapolis. The organization takes in kids from the Department of Child Services when a foster family can’t be found quickly.

“Kids come in here 24/7,” says Tina Cloer, who directs the Children’s Bureau. “So we accept kids all day and all night, and we get calls all day and all night.”

The shelter has been full more often this year, she says, as it has become harder to find kids foster homes. Last year, the average stay was just two days — now, it’s 10. “We have kids that have been here as long as 2 [or] 2 1/2 months,” Cloer says.

The large number of cases burdens other parts of the system, too.

Indiana’s Department of Child Services has a burnout problem: It has lost about a quarter of its case managers in the past year.

“I’ve had a case where we’ve had nine case managers on it — in a year,” says Marilyn Moores, a juvenile court judge in Indianapolis. “That’s the far end, but it’s not unusual to have three or four.”

This year, the child services department started a counseling program for employees, in hopes of retaining more case managers. And the state approved the hiring of 230 more people, but finding and training them will take time. Recruiting can be tough, says Bonaventura.

“If you don’t recruit the right people, they’re out the door the minute they realize how stressful and how gut-wrenching this work is,” she says.

Meanwhile, as the number of cases rises, Moores says, the stress continues to mount for everyone involved, including court employees.

“It just reached a point where every system partner involved in this that I’ve talked to in the last week, when I’ve talked to them, at some point they get tears in their eyes,” she says. “They are just overwhelmed.”

After more than a year of waiting, Erin and Isaac Hougland are looking forward to finally adopting their foster son. But it might take a little longer than usual. Adoption paperwork is piling up, too.

This piece comes from Side Effects Public Media, a public radio reporting collaborative that explores the impacts of place, policy and economics on health.

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Could Depression Be Caused By An Infection?

Katherine Streeter for NPR

Katherine Streeter for NPR

Sometime around 1907, well before the modern randomized clinical trial was routine, American psychiatrist Henry Cotton began removing decaying teeth from his patients in hopes of curing their mental disorders. If that didn’t work he moved on to more invasive excisions: tonsils, testicles, ovaries and, in some cases, colons.

Cotton was the newly appointed director of the New Jersey State Hospital for the Insane and was acting on a theory proposed by influential Johns Hopkins psychiatrist Adolph Meyer, under whom Cotton had studied, that psychiatric illness is the result of chronic infection. Meyer’s idea was based on observations that patients with high fevers sometimes experience delusions and hallucinations.

Cotton ran with the idea, scalpel in hand.

This 1920 newspaper clipping from The Washington Herald highlights Dr. Henry Cotton’s practice of removing infected teeth to treat mental health problems.

A 1920 newspaper clipping from The Washington Herald.

Library of Congress

In 1921 he published a well-received book on the theory called The Defective Delinquent and Insane: the Relation of Focal Infections to Their Causation, Treatment and Prevention. A few years later The New York Times wrote, “eminent physicians and surgeons testified that the New Jersey State Hospital for the Insane was the most progressive institution in the world for the care of the insane, and that the newer method of treating the insane by the removal of focal infection placed the institution in a unique position with respect to hospitals for the mentally ill.” Eventually Cotton opened a hugely successful private practice, catering to the infected molars of Trenton, N.J., high society.

Following his death in 1933, interest in Cotton’s cures waned. His mortality rates hovered at a troubling 45 percent, and in all likelihood his treatments didn’t work. But though his rogue surgeries were dreadfully misguided and disfiguring, a growing body of research suggests that there might be something to his belief that infection – and with it inflammation – is involved in some forms of mental illness.

Symptoms Of Mental And Physical Illness Can Overlap

Late last year Turhan Canli, an associate professor of psychology and radiology at Stony Brook University, published a paper in the journal Biology of Mood and Anxiety Disorders asserting that depression should be thought of as an infectious disease. “Depressed patients act physically sick,” says Canli. “They’re tired, they lose their appetite, they don’t want to get out of bed.” He notes that while Western medicine practitioners tend to focus on the psychological symptoms of depression, in many non-Western cultures patients who would qualify for a depression diagnosis report primarily physical symptoms, in part because of the stigmatization of mental illness.

“The idea that depression is caused simply by changes in serotonin is not panning out. We need to think about other possible causes and treatments for psychiatric disorders,” says Canli.

His assertion that depression results from infection might seem far-fetched, or at least premature, but there are some data to bolster his claim.

Harkening back to Adolph Meyer’s early 20th century theory, Canli notes how certain infections of the brain – perhaps most notably Toxoplasma gondii — can result in emotional disturbances that mimic psychiatric conditions. He also notes that numerous pathogens have been associated with mental illnesses, including Borna disease virus, Epstein-Barr and certain strains of herpes, including varicella zoster, the virus that causes chickenpox and shingles.

Toxoplasma gondii, a parasitic protozoan, afflicts cats and other mammals. Acute toxoplasmosis produces flu-like symptoms and has been linked to behavioral changes in humans.

Toxoplasma gondii, a parasitic protozoan, afflicts cats and other mammals. Acute toxoplasmosis produces flu-like symptoms and has been linked to behavioral changes in humans. Eye of Science/Science Source hide caption

itoggle caption Eye of Science/Science Source

A Danish study published in JAMA Psychiatry in 2013 looked at the medical records of over three million people and found that any history of hospitalization for infection was associated with a 62 percent increased risk of later developing a mood disorder, including depression and bipolar disorder.

Canli believes that pathogens acting directly on the brain may result in psychiatric symptoms; but also that autoimmune activity — or the body’s immune system attacking itself — triggered by infection may also contribute. The Danish study also reported that a past history of an autoimmune disorder increases the risk of a future mood disorder by 45 percent.

Antibodies Provide A Clue

The idea there could be a relationship between the immune system and brain disease isn’t new. Autoantibodies were reported in schizophrenia patients in the 1930s. Subsequent work has detected antibodies to various neurotransmitter receptors in the brains of psychiatric patients, while a number of brain disorders, including multiple sclerosis, are known to involve abnormal immune system activity. Researchers at the University of Virginia recently identified a previously undiscovered network of vessels directly connecting the brain with the immune system; the authors concluded that an interplay between the two could significantly contribute to certain neurologic and psychiatric conditions.

Both infection and autoimmune activity result in inflammation, our body’s response to harmful stimuli, which in part involves a surge in immune system activity. And it’s thought by many in the psychiatric research community that inflammation is somehow involved in depression and perhaps other mental illnesses.

Multiple studies have linked depression with elevated markers of inflammation, including two analyses from 2010 and 2012 that collectively reviewed data from 53 studies, as well as several post-mortem studies. A large body of related research confirms that autoimmune and inflammatory activity in the brain is linked with psychiatric symptoms.

Still, for the most part the research so far finds associations but doesn’t prove cause and effect between inflammation and mental health issues. The apparent links could be a matter of chance or there might be some another factor that hasn’t been identified.

Dr. Roger McIntyre, a professor of psychiatry and pharmacology at the University of Toronto, tells Shots that he believes an upset in the “immune-inflammatory system” is at the core of mental illness and that psychiatric disorders might be an unfortunate cost of our powerful immune defenses. “Throughout evolution our enemy up until vaccines and antibiotics were developed was infection,” he says, “Our immune system evolved to fight infections so we could survive and pass our genes to the next generation. However our immune-inflammatory system doesn’t distinguish between what’s provoking it.” McIntyre explains how stressors of any kind – physical or sexual abuse, sleep deprivation, grief – can activate our immune alarms. “For reasons other than fighting infection our immune-inflammatory response can stay activated for weeks, months or years and result in collateral damage,” he says.

Unlike Canli, McIntyre implicates inflammation in general, not exclusively inflammation caused by infection or direct effects of infection itself, as a major contributor to mental maladies. “It’s unlikely that most people with a mental illness have it as a result of infection,” he says, “But it would be reasonable to hypothesize that a subpopulation of people with depression or bipolar disorder or schizophrenia ended up that way because an infection activated their immune-inflammatory system.” McIntyre says that infection, particularly in the womb, could work in concert with genetics, psychosocial factors and our diet and microbiome to influence immune and inflammatory activity and, in turn, our risk of psychiatric disease.

Trying Drugs Against Inflammation For Mental Illness

The idea that inflammation – whether stirred up by infection or other factors — contributes to or causes mental illness comes with caveats, at least in terms of potential treatments. Trials testing anti-inflammatory drugs have been overall mixed or underwhelming.

A recent meta-analysis reported that supplementing SSRIs like Prozac with regular low-dose aspirin use is associated with a reduced risk of depression and ibuprofen supplementation is linked with lower chances of obtaining psychiatric care. However concomitant treatment with SSRIs and diclofenac or celecoxib – two other anti-inflammatories often used to treat arthritis – was associated with increased risk of needing hospital care due to psychiatric symptoms.

A 2013 study explored the antidepressant potential of Remicade, an drug used in rheumatoid arthritis. Overall, three infusions of the medication were found to be no more effective than a placebo, but patients whose blood had higher levels of an inflammatory marker called C-reactive protein did experience modest benefit.

“The truth of the matter is that there is probably a subset of people who get depressed in response to inflammation,” says lead author Dr. Charles Raison, a psychiatry professor at the University of Arizona. “Maybe their bodies generate more inflammation, or maybe they’re more sensitive to it.”

How infection and other causes of inflammation and overly-aggressive immune activity may contribute to depression and other mental illnesses – and whether or not it’s actually depression driving the inflammation — is still being investigated, and likely will be for some time. But plenty of leading psychiatrists agree that the search for alternative pathologic explanations and treatments for psychiatric disorders is could help jump-start the field.

“I’m not convinced that anti-inflammatory strategies are going to turn out to be the most powerful treatments around,” cautions Raison. “But I think if we really want to understand depression, we definitely have to understand how the immune system talks to the brain. I just don’t think we’ve identified immune-based or anti-inflammatory treatments yet that are going to have big effects in depression.”

But the University of Toronto’s McIntyre has a slightly brighter outlook. “Is depression due to infection, or is it due to something else?” he asks. “The answer is yes and yes. The bottom line is inflammation appears to contribute to depression, and we have interventions to address this.”

McIntyre notes that while the science of psychiatry has a long way to go, and that these interventions haven’t been proved effective, numerous approaches with minimal side effects exist that appear to be generally anti-inflammatory, including exercise, meditation and healthy sleep habits.

He also finds promise in the work of his colleague: “Like most cases in medicine, Charles Raison showed that anti-inflammatory approaches may benefit some people with depression, but not everybody. If you try on your friend’s eyeglasses, chances are they won’t help your vision very much.”

Bret Stetka is a writer based in New York and an editorial director at Medscape. His work has appeared in Wired and Scientific American, and on The Atlantic.com. He graduated from the University of Virginia School of Medicine in 2005. He’s also on Twitter: @BretStetka

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There Were Fewer Black Men In Medical School In 2014 Than In 1978

Jeffrey Okonye (left) and Oviea Akpotaire are fourth-year medical students at the University of Texas Southwestern.

Jeffrey Okonye (left) and Oviea Akpotaire are fourth-year medical students at the University of Texas Southwestern. Lauren Silverman/KERA hide caption

itoggle caption Lauren Silverman/KERA

Oviea Akpotaire and Jeffrey Okonye put in long days working with patients at the veterans’ hospital in south Dallas as fourth-year medical students at the University of Texas Southwestern.

They’re in a class of 237 people and they’re two of only five black men in their class.

“I knew the ones above us, below us,” Okonye says. “We all kind of know each other. It’s comforting to see another person that looks like you.”

While more black men graduated from college over the past few decades, the number of black men applying to medical school has dropped. In 1978, 1,410 black men applied to medical school and 542 ended up enrolling. In 2014, both those numbers were down — 1,337 applied and 515 enrolled.

Those figures come from a report from the Association of American Medical Colleges. Every other minority group — including Asians and Hispanics — saw growth in applicants. There was also an uptick in applications by black women.

Enrollment statistics for 2015 are just out and they show a modest gain of 8 percent more black men entering medical school over the year before.

“This is a positive sign,” says Marc Nivet, AAMC’s chief diversity officer, “but it does not change the fact that for 35 years the number has been trending poorly.”

“I was really surprised,” says Akpotaire, who is studying internal medicine. “I sent [the study] to my mom and dad immediately. You would think the conditions would be a lot different than they were in 1978.”

Diversity among doctors is important for patient health. People are more likely to follow doctors’ directions on things like medication or exercise if they can identify with them.

Dr. Dale Okorodudu, a third-year pulmonary and critical care fellow at UT Southwestern, says making cultural connections can make a big difference.

“If you can relate to [patients], it’s a lot easier for them to feel at home and comfortable with you,” he says.

Okorodudu wrote a blog post about an experience at Parkland Hospital that stuck with him. He was walking down the hallway on the 10th floor when a black man stopped him:

“It’s good to see you brother!” I had never met this man, but I knew exactly what he was talking about. With a large smile on his face and a look of pride, he extended his arm to give me a handshake. “There aren’t too many of us doing what you do. I’m glad we got some representation in here.”

For years, Okorodudu has been trying to figure out why so few black men go into medicine. His conclusion: the lack of role models.

“If you’re a black male, let’s say you’re growing up in an inner-city neighborhood,” he says. “There’s so many things directly in front of you that you have the option to go into.”

The options range from music and sports to small business and church, Okorodudu says those professions are visible and present in the lives of young African-American boys. “But when you talk about the medical workforce, none of us are directly there in front of them,” he says.

Okorodudu decided to become a doctor when he was 18. A year from now, when he’s done with his fellowship, he’ll be 32.

Med student Jeffrey Okonye points out that for students like him, who embraced math and science, there are much faster ways to “make it.”

“A lot of friends of mine, black males, are engineers,” Okonye says. “They go to school for four years. They have a job, great pay, even had internships in undergrad I was highly jealous of. Whereas my route, four years undergrad, then another four years of school, and then another X amount of training after that.”

So why did he take the longer route?

“It’s hard to describe the feeling you get when you make someone actually feel better,” Okonye says. “When you can see them go from one state to another and recognize that you were a part of literally changing this person’s life.”

A desire to care for others isn’t the only thing that Okonye, Akpotaire and Okorodudu have in common. All three have had doctors or nurses in their families. And all three are the children of immigrants from Nigeria. Okorodudu says that means the group of black men who are applying to medical school now is very different from the group in 1978.

“In 1978, those people we’re looking at, a lot of them were probably black American males” whose families had been in this country for generations, he says. Today’s black medical school students may be more recent immigrants from Nigeria or the Caribbean, he says. “So if we broke it down that way, that factoid is actually even more alarming.”

The AAMC report suggests how to restock the doctor pipeline. Among the ideas: create more mentoring programs, expand financial aid options, and persuade medical schools to put less emphasis on standardized tests scores like the MCATs.

Okorodudu is trying to help with an online service called DiverseMedicine. Users connect with mentors on chat or video.

Sometimes, he says, the key to getting kids interested is simply seeing a black man in a white coat.

This story is part of a reporting partnership that includes NPR, local member stations and Kaiser Health News.

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In Maryland, A Change In How Hospitals Are Paid Boosts Public Health

Joshua Sharfstein (center), secretary of the State of Maryland Department of Health and Mental Hygiene testifies at a hearing in 2011.
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Joshua Sharfstein (center), secretary of the State of Maryland Department of Health and Mental Hygiene testifies at a hearing in 2011. Chris Maddaloni/CQ-Roll Call, Inc./Getty Images hide caption

itoggle caption Chris Maddaloni/CQ-Roll Call, Inc./Getty Images

Think for a moment about what would happen if you upended the whole system of financial incentives for hospitals.

What if you said goodbye to what’s known as fee-for-service, where hospitals are paid for each procedure, each visit to the emergency room, each overnight stay? What if, instead, hospitals got a fixed pot of money for the whole year, no matter how many people came through the door?

Would a change like that make hospitals rethink the way they care for patients? Would they think more creatively about how to keep people healthier so they wouldn’t come to the hospital at all?

Those very questions are being asked in Maryland, where an experiment in how hospitals are paid has been underway since early last year.

The experiment came about under an agreement between the state of Maryland and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. It was championed by Dr. Joshua Sharfstein, who was then Maryland’s Secretary of Health and Mental Hygiene.

Sharfstein came into office in 2011, around the time the Affordable Care Act was being rolled out. Along with the expansion of health coverage for the uninsured, there was a lot of talk about improving health outcomes while cutting costs. The ACA created opportunities to test new ways of paying for and delivering care. Maryland was poised to act.

That’s because for nearly 40 years, Maryland had a unique system that set the rates, or the prices, that hospitals charged. Those rates were essentially the same for Medicare as they were for private insurers.

In other states, Medicare pays less than private insurers, Sharfstein says. Medicare’s participation in this system was contingent upon Maryland keeping price growth down.

But in recent years, the system was starting to crumble. Prices were rising, and overall expenditures were also up, as hospitals tried to make up in volume what they were losing on price. Maryland had some of the highest hospital readmission rates in the country.

“There were incentives built into the old system for volume,” Sharfstein says. “If you can only make $2 on a pair of pants, you have to sell a lot of pants.”

With prices on the rise, Medicare’s continued participation was in question. Rather than scrap the whole system, Sharfstein and his colleagues promised Medicare that Maryland would find a way to keep overall expenditures down while improving the quality of care and outcomes for patients.

The plan hinged on ending fee-for-service payments to hospitals and moving to something called global budgeting. Instead of being paid per admission, hospitals would get a set amount of money for the entire year for patient care, regardless of how many MRI tests, ER visits or hip replacements there were.

At the end of the year, if there was money left over, the hospitals could keep it.

“Whereas before, hospitals could really only make money by keeping their beds filled, now they can actually do better if their community is healthier and they’re preventing admissions,” Sharfstein says.

The state tested the approach in 10 rural hospitals.

Those hospitals had to think in a new way about how to serve people outside their wards and ERs. The hospitals hired care coordinators to check with patients after they were discharged to make sure they were taking their medications and eating right, for example.

Some hospitals created primary care centers in their communities, so patients had an easier way to see a doctor instead of making repeated trips to the emergency room. The hospitals also looked to partner with community groups working on issues as basic as housing.

The pilot worked, and in January 2014, after 18 months of negotiations between Maryland and the federal authorities, global budgeting went statewide.

It was voluntary for hospitals, but within six months every hospital in the state had signed up.

Now, nearly two years into the five-year agreement, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services says that hospitals are well on track to hit targets. Under the deal, Maryland has to save $330 million for Medicare over five years and reduce hospital readmission rates all while improving the overall health of residents.

The Maryland Hospital Association says in the first year alone, cost savings topped more than $100 million, and hospital readmissions were down at a rate faster than the national average.

Dr. Leana Wen, Baltimore's health commissioner, is eager to see hospitals in the city pitch in on public health.

Dr. Leana Wen, Baltimore’s health commissioner, is eager to see hospitals in the city pitch in on public health. Meredith Rizzo/NPR hide caption

itoggle caption Meredith Rizzo/NPR

“To a certain extent in the United States of America, a healthier community may mean a financial problem for the hospital, but no longer is that the case in Maryland,” says Sharfstein. “And that creates a great opportunity for public health.”

That’s because a hospital’s bottom line now is directly connected to its ability to reduce preventable illnesses, a core mission of public health.

“Is it a game changer? Probably,” says Dr. Leana Wen, health commissioner in Baltimore. “It definitely is a game changer in concept. Because before, we were reimbursing for everything that we did to patients, not actually the care that we were providing to help patients not end up in the hospital in the first place.”

Wen wants to come up with a city-wide strategy that would bring together hospitals, treatment providers, community groups and others. She believes getting everyone on board is key to attracting state, federal and private dollars for projects that would yield big savings. And if hospitals see the dollars flowing, she hopes they’ll chip in too.

One such project is a stabilization center, a place where people who are drunk and high on the street can go to sober up and get into treatment.

“If a hospital were to agree to provide nurses and nurse practitioners, that would be fantastic,” Wen says. “Perhaps they provide funding. Perhaps they provide transportation.”

In return, the city would be relieving hospitals of a costly population of patients – people who routinely show up in emergency rooms with underlying substance abuse and mental health problems that cannot be addressed on the spot.

The city is also working on some data-driven projects that Wen and others believe hospitals would also be willing to invest in. One is a database that identifies “high utilizers,” the people who turn up in emergency rooms most often or call 911 repeatedly. Another is a Web-based dashboard that will show in real time the availability of mental health and substance addiction treatment slots across the city.

Dr. Cynthia Buchman Webb, chair of the emergency department at MedStar Union Memorial Hospital, says having such a tool would be a big help for hospitals, which often struggle to figure out where to send patients.

“Right now, that is the problem,” she says. “It’s on all of our providers at every different institution to do that ourselves, to make sure we have the most up-to-date information. That’s where Baltimore City can really play a big role.”

At the moment, the health department has a $30,000 grant to start building that dashboard, but more money and more buy-in from providers are needed to make it work.

For the stabilization center, the health department has secured just over $3.5 million from the Maryland state legislature to cover capital costs, but they need another $3.5 million to operate it. They’re piecing together funding from a number of sources and hope hospitals will be among them.

NPR and All Things Considered will continue reporting from Baltimore in the coming months, checking in with Leana Wen and her team. Stay tuned for future stories.

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How Generic Drugs Can Cost Small Pharmacies Big Bucks

Maryland pharmacist Narender Dhallan often has to decide whether to fill a prescription and lose money or send a customer to another store.
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Maryland pharmacist Narender Dhallan often has to decide whether to fill a prescription and lose money or send a customer to another store. Cindy Carpien for NPR hide caption

itoggle caption Cindy Carpien for NPR

Pharmacist Narender Dhallan winces as he looks at a computer screen in his drugstore on a recent morning. For the second time in two hours, he has to decide whether to fill a prescription and lose money or send his customer away.

This time it’s for a generic antifungal cream that cost him $180 wholesale. The customer’s insurance, however, will pay Dhallan only $60 to fill it.

“This used to be something that would happen once in a rare, rare while,” Dhallan says. “Now it’s becoming routine.”

If the losses keep coming, Dhallan says his store, RiverRx in Bethesda, Md., won’t be in business two years from now.

The scenario at RiverRx is repeating itself at independent drugstores across the country, says Doug Hoey, president of the National Community Pharmacists Association.

Nearly 9 in 10 prescriptions filled in the U.S. are for generic drugs. And while generic drugs are typically cheaper than brand-name medicines, the prices for generics have been on a tear.

The problem for RiverRx and other independent pharmacies is that reimbursements haven’t been keeping up with the pace of price hikes. As a result, the pharmacies are losing money simply by filling prescriptions.

Hoey flips through a 3-inch stack of spreadsheets from his members detailing losses on generic drugs. “Here’s a generic Prozac, loss of $26,” Hoey says. “A generic used for rheumatoid arthritis, $83 loss. This one store lost $4,800 in one month.”

Hoey, Dhallan and other pharmacists say the problem lies with pharmacy benefit managers. The PBMs are middlemen in the medical world who influence what drugs you get, where you can get them and at what price. The biggest are Express Scripts and CVS Caremark.

PBMs negotiate deals with employers to run the part of their insurance plans that covers prescription drugs. The managers extract discounts from drugmakers on medications and also contract with pharmacies like RiverRx to fill prescriptions for the people served by PBMs. If Dhallan wants to be included in a PBM’s network, he has to sign on to its terms.

In the past, PBMs reimbursed drugstores pretty much in line with market prices. However, in the past two years, generic drug prices have risen on average 40 percent. When they spike like that, Hoey says, PBM reimbursements often don’t keep up.

“When those prices go up, our cost to buy the drug can go up 100, 500, 1,000 percent overnight,” Hoey says. “While we’re paying 1,000 percent more than we had paid the day before, our reimbursement — the payment to the pharmacy — often stays the same for an average of three months.”

Chain pharmacies like CVS and Walgreens also sometimes lose money filling generic prescriptions. However, they have more revenue and profit than the independents as well as other business lines to cushion the blow.

It’s hard for small pharmacies like RiverRx to demand more money from the PBMs because they hold the trump cards. CVS and Express Scripts dominate the industry. CVS Caremark is the 10th-largest company in the U.S. by revenue and it manages prescriptions for 70 million people. It also owns nearly 10,000 retail stores and the Caremark mail-order pharmacy. Express Scripts has a huge mail-order pharmacy of its own.

The PBMs aren’t just setting reimbursement for River RX, they’re also competing for its customers.

“We feel that’s a conflict of interest,” says Hoey.

A CVS Caremark spokeswoman said in an email that the pharmacy benefit manager deals “at arm’s length” with the retail side of the company.

“Our pricing with CVS/pharmacy is very competitive to similarly situated providers,” she said.

Benefit managers like CVS and Express Scripts say they save money for their clients and keep drug prices low overall. A 2011 study by the PBM’s trade group estimates it will save its clients and Medicare $2 trillion over 10 years.

“We save about 35 percent over what businesses would pay if we weren’t in the picture, and they were doing all of this themselves,” says Mark Merritt, president of the Pharmaceutical Care Management Association, which represents CVS Caremark and Express Scripts. “It’s billions if not trillions of dollars.”

Not everyone is so sure.

Analyst Richard Evans, who heads up the health practice at Sovereign and Sector Research LLC, says pharmacy benefit managers do extract discounts from drug companies for their clients. But as an industry, the PBMs haven’t managed to take all the air out of inflating drug prices.

He agrees that independent pharmacies are in trouble, in part because PBMs, in an effort to cut costs even more, have been narrowing their lists of approved pharmacies.

Laura Ard, a regular customer at RiverRx, has seen that firsthand. She takes a medication for a chronic condition and has been able to get the prescription for it filled with a modest copay at Dhallan’s store. Then her drug plan changed. Now she has to go to CVS or pay entirely out of pocket.

“It’s irritating because they’re telling me where I have to go, and where I have to shop, and at what price I have to get things,” she said on a recent day standing at the cash register at RiverRx.

On principle, she’s continued to pay out of pocket for the past six months — a total of more than $800. “This is my own personal private picket, at my expense,” she said with a laugh.

But Dhallan can’t count on many people doing what Ard does. He says he’s lost about 20 percent of his customers in the past year.

“Last year was the first year that we had a decrease in profit, even though we had an increase in the number of prescriptions,” Dhallan said. “I don’t know how long we can continue.”

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What To Do With California's Mentally Ill Defendants?

Mentally ill prisoners too impaired to stand trial are supposed to be transferred to state mental hospitals for treatment within two or three months. But more than 300 in California are languishing in county jails because hospitals don't have the beds.

Mentally ill prisoners too impaired to stand trial are supposed to be transferred to state mental hospitals for treatment within two or three months. But more than 300 in California are languishing in county jails because hospitals don’t have the beds. Christian Schmidt/Corbis hide caption

itoggle caption Christian Schmidt/Corbis

In 2010, Rodney Bock was arrested for carrying a loaded gun into a restaurant in Yuba City, Calif., north of Sacramento. Bock had severe mental illness and was later found incompetent to stand trial. He was released on bail, but was rearrested after he failed to appear at a court hearing.

Bock, 56, was placed in the Sutter County jail, awaiting transfer to a state hospital. While there, he began suffering hallucinations. After more than two weeks in jail, Bock hanged himself.

Mentally ill defendants like Bock, who are declared incompetent to stand trial, are supposed to be transferred to state mental hospitals for treatment within two or three months. But more than 300 of them throughout California are languishing in county jails because there’s simply no bed space.

Bock’s daughters are now plaintiffs in a lawsuit filed by the American Civil Liberties Union, charging two state agencies, including the Department of State Hospitals, with denying mentally ill inmates their right to due process — and the treatment they need.

“Jail is simply too dangerous a place for these most vulnerable defendants,” said Micaela Davis, lead attorney in the lawsuit. “We have inmates that are waiting eight, nine months and sometimes over a year before being transferred to a facility for treatment.”

California’s new state budget includes more than $17 million to add beds for defendants declared incompetent to stand trial. But not everyone agrees that’s the best approach.

Stephen Manley is a mental health court judge in Santa Clara County. His court helps defendants struggling with severe mental illnesses, including bipolar disorder or schizophrenia, find alternatives to incarceration.

Manley doesn’t want more psychiatric hospital beds; he wants to reserve state hospitals for the most violent defendants.

We send far too many people to state hospitals who do not pose a risk to public safety,” he says, “because we don’t work with them to figure out if there isn’t a local alternative.”

Manley believes the psychiatric hospitals are already overcrowded — and understaffed. “As long as we keep overcrowding the hospitals, all we do is feed the fire,” he says, referring to violence within the hospitals.

Last year alone, there were more than 1,800 physical assaults at Napa State Hospital, a psychiatric institution in the heart of Northern California’s wine country. More than 80 percent of the patients there have been referred by the criminal justice system, and hospital officials say patients who are there to have their sanity restored for trial inflict the most serious injuries.

Ryan Navarre, with the organization representing Napa Hospital police, says that even officers are at risk. He recalls one patient specifically who put rocks into his socks and then spun them around “violently,” he says.

Throughout California, state psychiatric hospitals are working to find a balance between treatment and security for patients and staff.

Meanwhile, Manley thinks the best solution for nonviolent offenders is to create more community-based treatment facilities.

“If we add another 500 beds – and people — to a state hospital, all we do is make the problem worse,” he says.

But funding is already inadequate for mental health treatment. And creating more community-based programs raises new challenges — including resistance from neighbors who don’t really want to live near facilities whose clients are mentally ill criminal defendants.

This post was produced by KQED’s State of Health blog.

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New Guidelines Reflect Knowledge On Positives, Risks Of Mammograms

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NPR’s Audie Cornish talks with Kenny Lin, associate professor of family medicine at Georgetown University School of Medicine, about what the new mammogram guidelines mean on an individual level.

Transcript

AUDIE CORNISH, HOST:

Now, for women out there, we know that you have a lot of questions – what does this mean for me? Should I or shouldn’t I get a yearly mammogram? Well, to help us sort through some of the confusion, we’ve called on Dr. Kenny Lin. He’s associate professor of family medicine at Georgetown University’s School of Medicine. Welcome to the program.

KENNY LIN: Nice to be here.

CORNISH: So we heard in our report that the American Cancer Society still wants every women to talk to her doctor to figure out what makes the most sense. How do you interpret all this?

LIN: So I think what you’ve just said is probably the best way to describe it, that women should be talking to their doctors about mammography. It shouldn’t be automatic. It shouldn’t be reflexive. It shouldn’t be like the experience of many of my friends who are in their early 40s and they show up at their doctors and they get a slip and they say go get your mammogram. We instead should be raising the topic saying, look, we have this test. It could prevent you from either dying or having a serious illness from breast cancer. But it’s not perfect. It has, you know, many harms as well, including false positives, diagnosis of a breast cancer that may not ultimately be true cancer but something that we might have to act on. So it’s basically, I think, best viewed as an invitation to both patients and physicians to have that conversation if they haven’t been having it before.

CORNISH: There have been several studies that have shown that doctors really don’t talk all that much about the risks of cancer screenings. They don’t give numbers for how many people actually do benefit from the screenings. Do you think these guidelines will change that?

LIN: I hope they do. Now in defense of those doctors, it is a challenging conversation. There are a lot of numbers. There’s a lot of uncertainty about some of the numbers. I think that it can be helpful to present patients with either a handout or some sort of visual aid where you can show what the numbers really are for the benefits and the harms. And it’s something that I’ve been doing, but I think a lot of doctors haven’t been doing that and I’m hoping the new guidelines encourage them to because I think it’s really difficult to have this conversation without something to look at to really visually illustrate those numbers.

CORNISH: If your doctor doesn’t really initiate this discussion, what kinds of questions should you ask, right? I mean, this kind of relies on women thinking of their own family history, race or whatever and somehow divining risk factors. I mean, what should patients be thinking about?

LIN: Well, so the guideline that the ACS released was a guideline for average risk women who are defined as not having one of the breast cancer genes or not having a family history where you have several family members with breast cancer or a single member at a young age. So the rest of women are kind of lumped into this average risk category. And certainly there are things that may not be accounted for in risk assessment tools that may be important to someone. So I think a patient should go to their doctor and say, look, this is – you know, this is how I feel about mammography. This is, you know, my experience with cancer, my family history. Perhaps they don’t like having to go for repeated tests. You know, I’m worried about false positives. I think they should also ask their doctor, well, you know, what are really downsides to this test? I mean, that’s really I think the first question, you know, the doctors are always – we always volunteer the upsides but I think you have to ask specifically what are the downsides. And hopefully that will spark a conversation if your doctor seems otherwise inclined to gloss over it.

CORNISH: Well, what do you say to women who today are are frustrated, maybe even angry or upset, right, women who have had, like, annual mammograms for many years who’ve gone ahead with procedures that turned out to be unnecessary? I mean, was that a waste?

LIN: Well, it’s probably not a large consolation, but, you know, unfortunately in science this is kind of the way that things progress. We do the best we can with the information we have at a given time. And the same thing sort of happened for prostate cancer screening in men. It used to be something that you started at age 50, you do it every year, and now there’s organizations that say you don’t do it at all, or if you do it, you have to be aware of the downsides. So it’s something where it – I understand it can be frustrating to patients. But the greater error I think is to cling to an old guideline to say, well, we’re going to dig in our heels and keep starting at age 40 and doing it every year and ignore the new guideline because that would be, I think, a worse mistake. Look, we have to operate with the knowledge that we have. And I think the ACS has very comprehensively summarized what we know about mammography at the present time and their guidelines reflect that knowledge.

CORNISH: Kenny Lin is an associate professor of family medicine at Georgetown University’s School of Medicine. Dr. Lin, thanks so much for speaking with us.

LIN: You’re welcome.

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Suing A Nursing Home Could Get Easier Under Proposed Federal Rules

Proponents of arbitration say the system is more efficient than going to court for both sides, but arbitration can be costly, too. And a 2009 study showed the typical awards in nursing home cases are about 35 percent lower than the plaintiff would get if the case went to court.
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Proponents of arbitration say the system is more efficient than going to court for both sides, but arbitration can be costly, too. And a 2009 study showed the typical awards in nursing home cases are about 35 percent lower than the plaintiff would get if the case went to court. Heinz Linke/Westend61/Corbis hide caption

itoggle caption Heinz Linke/Westend61/Corbis

As Dean Cole’s dementia worsened, he began wandering at night. He’d even forgotten how to drink water. His wife, Virginia, could no longer manage him at home. So after much agonizing, his family checked him into a Minnesota nursing home.

“Within a little over two weeks he’d lost 20 pounds and went into a coma,” says Mark Kosieradzki, who was the Cole family’s attorney. Dean Cole was rushed to the hospital, says Kosieradzki, “and what was discovered was that he’d become totally dehydrated. They did get his fluid level up, but he was never, ever able to recover from it and died within the month.”

Kosieradzki says that Virginia Cole had signed a stack of papers when her husband was admitted to the nursing home. As is often the case, one of the forms was a binding agreement to go to arbitration if she ever had a claim against the facility. So instead of taking the nursing home to court, her claim for wrongful death was heard by three private arbitrators. They charge for their services.

“The arbitration bill for the judges was $60,750. That was split in half between the two parties,” says Kosieradzki.

Virginia Cole won her claim, but after paying the arbitrators, expert witnesses and attorney’s fees, she was left with less than $20,000.

The federal government is now considering safeguards that would regulate the way nursing homes present arbitration agreements when residents are admitted.

But more than 50 labor, legal, medical and consumer organizations have told the government that’s not enough. They want these pre-dispute arbitration agreements banned entirely. Thirty-four U.S. senators and attorneys general from 15 states and the District of Columbia also have called for banning the agreements.

“No one should be forced to accept denial of justice as a price for the care their loved ones deserve,” says Henry Waxman, a former congressman from California. Arbitration agreements keep the neglect and abuse of nursing home residents secret, Waxman says, because the cases aren’t tried in open court and resolutions sometimes have gag rules.

“None of the systemic health and safety problems that cause the harm will ever see the light of day,” he says.

The proposed federal regulation would require nursing homes to explain these arbitration agreements so that residents or their families understand what they’re signing. It would also make sure that agreeing to arbitration is not a requirement for nursing home admission.

The American Health Care Association, which represents most nursing homes, is against this proposed change in the rules. Clifton Porter II, the AHCA’s senior vice president for government relations, says that’s because “they’re prescribing us to do things that we, frankly, already do.” Porter acknowledges, however, that practices vary from facility to facility, depending on state law.

Arbitration agreements, he says, are common throughout the health care industry — in hospitals, surgery centers and doctors’ offices. “Why aren’t rules being promulgated to eliminate arbitration in those settings?” he asks.

In any case, Porter says arbitration is more efficient for both sides than going to court would be.

“It actually allows consumers to get an expedited award,” he says. “And you have the benefit of not having to use the courts and go through the entire process.”

But that expedited award is about 35 percent lower than if the plaintiff had gone to court. That’s one conclusion of a study commissioned by Porter’s organization in 2009.

If the federal government does regulate or ban the signing of arbitration agreements for new nursing home residents, Porter says the American Health Care Association will probably fight the move in court.

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Can A Cancer Drug Reverse Parkinson's Disease And Dementia?

Alan Hoffman, shown with his wife Nancy at their home in Dumfries, Va., found that his Parkinson's symptom improved when he took a cancer drug.

Alan Hoffman, shown with his wife Nancy at their home in Dumfries, Va., found that his Parkinson’s symptom improved when he took a cancer drug. Claire Harbage for NPR hide caption

itoggle caption Claire Harbage for NPR

A drug that’s already approved for treating leukemia appears to dramatically reduce symptoms in people who have Parkinson’s disease with dementia, or a related condition called Lewy body dementia.

A pilot study of 12 patients given small doses of nilotinib found that movement and mental function improved in all of the 11 people who completed the six-month trial, researchers reported Saturday at the Society for Neuroscience meeting in Chicago.

And for several patients the improvements were dramatic, says Fernando Pagan, an author of the study and director of the Movement Disorders Program at Georgetown University Medical Center. One woman regained the ability to feed herself, one man was able to stop using a walker, and three previously nonverbal patients began speaking again, Pagan says.

“After 25 years in Parkinson’s disease research, this is the most excited I’ve ever been,” Pagan says.

If the drug’s effectiveness is confirmed in larger, placebo-controlled studies, nilotinib could become the first treatment to interrupt a process that kills brain cells in Parkinson’s and other neurodegenerative diseases, including Alzheimer’s.

One of the patients in the pilot study was Alan Hoffman, 74, who lives with his wife, Nancy, in Northern Virginia.

Mary Leigh has had Parkinson’s Disease for almost 20 years. Here she is before the treatment and after five months of being on the drug.

Credit: Courtesy of Georgetown University

Credit: Courtesy of Georgetown University

Hoffman was diagnosed with Parkinson’s in 1997. At first, he had trouble moving his arms. Over time, walking became more difficult and his speech became slurred. And by 2007, the disease had begun to affect his thinking.

“I knew I’d dropped off in my ability to read,” Hoffman says. “People would keep giving me books and I’d have read the first chapter of about 10 of them. I had no ability to focus on it.”

“He had more and more difficulty making sense,” Nancy Hoffman says. He also became less active, less able to have conversations, and eventually stopped doing even household chores, she says.

But after a few weeks on nilotinib, Hoffman “improved in every way,” his wife says. “He began loading the dishwasher, loading the clothes in the dryer, things he had not done in a long time.”

Even more surprising, Hoffman’s scores on cognitive tests began to improve. At home, Nancy Hoffman says her husband was making sense again and regained his ability to focus. “He actually read the David McCullough book on the Wright Brothers and started reading the paper from beginning to end,” she says.

The idea of using nilotinib to treat people like Alan Hoffman came from Charbel Moussa, an assistant professor of neurology at Georgetown University and an author of the study.

Moussa knew that in people who have Parkinson’s disease with dementia or a related condition called Lewy body dementia, toxic proteins build up in certain brain cells, eventually killing them. Moussa thought nilotinib might be able to reverse this process.

His reasoning was that nilotinib activates a system in cells that works like a garbage disposal — it clears out unwanted proteins. Also, Moussa had shown that while cancer cells tend to die when exposed to nilotinib, brain cells actually become healthier.

So Moussa had his lab try the drug on brain cells in a Petri dish. “And we found that, surprisingly, with a very little amount of the drug we can clear all these proteins that are supposed to be neurotoxic,” he says.

Next, Moussa had his team give the drug to transgenic mice that were almost completely paralyzed from Parkinson’s disease. The treatment “rescued” the animals, he says, allowing them to move almost as well as healthy mice.

Moussa’s mice got the attention of Pagan from Georgetown’s Movement Disorders Program. “When Dr. Moussa showed them to me,” Pagan says, “it looked like, hey, this is type of drug that we’ve been looking for because it goes to the root of the problem.”

The pilot study was designed to determine whether nilotinib was safe for Parkinson’s patients and to determine how much drug from the capsules they were taking was reaching their brains. “But we also saw efficacy, which is really unheard of in a safety study,” Pagan says.

The study found that levels of toxic proteins in blood and spinal fluid decreased once patients began taking nilotinib. Also, tests showed that the symptoms of Parkinson’s including tremor and “freezing” decreased. And during the study patients were able to use lower doses of Parkinson’s drugs, suggesting that the brain cells that produce dopamine were working better.

But there are some caveats, Pagan says. For one thing, the study was small, not designed to measure effectiveness, and included no patients taking a placebo.

Also, nilotinib is very expensive. The cost of providing it to leukemia patients is thousands of dollars a month.

Hoffman says his symptoms have gotten worse since he stopped taking the medication as part of a study.

Hoffman says his symptoms have gotten worse since he stopped taking the medication as part of a study. Claire Harbage for NPR hide caption

itoggle caption Claire Harbage for NPR

And finally, Parkinson’s and dementia patients would have to keep taking nilotinib indefinitely or their symptoms would continue to get worse.

Alan Hoffman was okay for about three weeks after the study ended and he stopped taking the drug. Since then, “There’s (been) a pretty big change,” his wife says. “He does have more problems with his speech, and he has more problems with cognition and more problems with mobility.”

The Hoffmans hope to get more nilotinib from the drug’s maker, Novartis, through a special program for people who improve during experiments like this one.

Meanwhile, the Georgetown team plans to try nilotinib in patients with another brain disease that involves toxic proteins: Alzheimer’s.

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N.Y. Takes Action Against Surprise Medical Bills From Urgent Care Clinics

New York Attorney General Eric T. Schneiderman asked 20 urgent care clinics for information about how they represent insurance coverage to customers. Now four companies have agreed to change their practices.

New York Attorney General Eric T. Schneiderman asked 20 urgent care clinics for information about how they represent insurance coverage to customers. Now four companies have agreed to change their practices. Andrew Burton/Getty Images hide caption

itoggle caption Andrew Burton/Getty Images

Four companies running urgent care centers in New York have agreed to disclose more fully which insurance plans they accept, following an inquiry by the state’s attorney general that found unclear or incomplete information on their websites that could result in larger-than-expected bills for consumers.

The agreements mark the first enforcement action brought under New York’s new law that targets surprise medical bills, seen as one of the broadest in the nation. The law aims to reduce the number of consumers who get such bills when they unknowingly see providers who are not part of their insurance plan networks.

Although many consumers don’t realize it, visits to urgent care clinics can lead to such out-of-network bills.

In July, New York Attorney General Eric T. Schneiderman sent strongly worded letters to about 20 urgent care clinics, asking for more information. Some of their websites, the letters noted, could be improperly listing which health plans they were part of, potentially a deceptive business practice. Similar concerns have been raised by advocates in other states, who note that urgent care centers often say they “work with” or “accept” insurance, but don’t clearly say whether they are part of particular insurers’ networks.

Such statements “may lead consumers to believe that an out-of-network urgent care center is … ‘in network’ with their health plan,” the July 2 letters said.

That’s important because consumers who go to clinics that aren’t part of their plans’ networks might owe the balance between clinic charges and what their insurers pay toward out-of-network visits, sometimes resulting in large bills.

Those bills, also known as balance bills, are part of the complex way that health care is paid for in the U.S. They occur because insurers form networks of doctors, hospitals and other providers who have agreed to negotiated rates, which are generally lower than their usual fees.

Patients who go outside the network for care — because they want to, don’t know or are seen by an out-of-network provider while at an in-network facility — are subject to balance billing.

Although such bills have long led to consumer complaints, relatively few states have addressed balance billing except for emergency room care.

After reviewing the responses to its July letters, the attorney general’s office determined the information from the four companies, which have more than a half-dozen facilities altogether, was unclear, incomplete or not specific enough.

Under the agreement announced Friday, those owners will specifically list all the health plans they contract with as in-network providers and stop using the terms “works with” or “accepts.” They must also clearly explain that if they are out of network, the consumer could incur higher charges.

New York’s law covering surprise bills law went into effect in March, imposing new requirements on hospitals, doctors and other medical providers. Among other things, the law requires that most health groups and facilities disclose in writing or on their websites the names of the health plans with whom they participate.

The urgent centers that signed agreements are: 181st Street Urgent Care in Manhattan; Brookdale Urgent Care, affiliated with Brookdale Hospital; New York Doctor’s Urgent Care with two locations in Manhattan; and Cure Urgent Care, with three locations in Manhattan and Long Island.

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