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NBC Names Lester Holt New Anchor Of Nightly News

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TV Anchor Brian Williams will not be returning to the NBC Nightly News. He’s officially being replaced by Lester Holt. Williams will move to cable on MSNBC.

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AUDIE CORNISH, HOST:

Brian Williams will not return to the anchor’s chair of “NBC Nightly News.”

MELISSA BLOCK, HOST:

His temporary replacement, Lester Holt, is now permanent. This makes Holt the first African-American to be the lead anchor for a broadcast network.

CORNISH: Brian Williams’s troubles began early this year. In a January report, he falsely claimed he was under fire in 2003 while onboard a helicopter in Iraq. He apologized on air several days later.

(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, “NBC NIGHTLY NEWS”)

BRIAN WILLIAMS: I made a mistake in recalling the events of 12 years ago. It did not take long to hear from some brave men and women in the aircrew who were…

BLOCK: The way Williams apologized just made things worse. Other exaggerations surfaced. NBC suspended him and started an internal investigation, but it has not released the results.

CORNISH: The network does say Williams made a number of inaccurate statements about his field experiences. NBC says these statements were usually made years later and mostly on late-night programs and during public events.

BLOCK: Williams’s successor, Lester Holt, joined NBC in 2000. He’s been one of the co-hosts of “Weekend Today” and anchored the weekend edition of “Nightly News.”

(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW “NBC NIGHTLY NEWS”)

LESTER HOLT: And hands-free driving. Would you believe a car that really takes you for a ride?

CORNISH: As for Brian Williams, in August, he’ll begin a new assignment on the struggling cable channel MSNBC anchoring breaking news and special reports.

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How Democratic Trade Rift Could Give Rise To 'Tea Party' Of The Left

Rep. Marcy Kaptur, D-Ohio, and fellow Democratic members of Congress hold a news conference to voice their opposition to the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade deal.

Rep. Marcy Kaptur, D-Ohio, and fellow Democratic members of Congress hold a news conference to voice their opposition to the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade deal. Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images hide caption

itoggle caption Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

For several years, Democrats have gleefully watched as Republicans threatened to eat their own at the ballot box. Trying to enforce a rigid orthodoxy, groups such as the Senate Conservatives Fund, the Club for Growth and others have funded primary challengers if Republicans didn’t fall in line on certain votes on taxes, spending cuts and other conservative issues.

Now, it’s Democrats’ turn to try and manage intra-party turmoil — also rooted in a similar economic populist strain to the fight on the right — over President Obama’s trade legislation. The fight could spill over into the next election, with labor groups threatening primaries against members — even those who sit in swing districts — who sided with the president.

Last Friday, the fast-track authority the president wanted to negotiate the Trans-Pacific Partnership failed in the House after Democrats blocked a key part of the bill that would provide job-training assistance to those who could lose jobs if the Trans-Pacific Partnership, or TPP, a massive Pan-Asian trade deal, is finalized.

Part of that fast-track authority — with the job-training assistance stripped out — passed the House Thursday narrowly, 218-208. But it still has to get through the Senate before the president can sign it. The challenge for President Obama now is how to get enough Democrats on board in the Senate without the job assistance in the bill or if there will be a supplementary bill that puts it back in.

Labor groups — a well-funded and powerful Democratic stronghold — waged a massive campaign against the bill and claimed victory after it went down last week. Several Democrats found themselves targeted by unions and progressive groups, warning consequences if they backed the trade bill.

“Democrats who allowed the passage of Fast Track Authority for the job-killing TPP, should know that we will not lift a finger or raise a penny to protect you when you’re attacked in 2016,” said Jim Dean, chairman of Democracy for America after the House vote Thursday. “We will encourage our progressive allies to join us in leaving you to rot, and we will actively search for opportunities to primary you with a real Democrat. … Make no mistake, we will make certain that your vote to fast track the destruction of American jobs will be remembered and will haunt you for years to come.”

Some have already put their money where their mouth is, too — even if that means inadvertently helping a Republican win next November. The AFL-CIO launched a six-figure ad buy in the expensive New York City media market slamming freshman Democratic Rep. Kathleen Rice for switching her position to back the deal. The freshman congresswoman won her Long Island seat just 52 to 47 percent in 2014.

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A Rice spokesman shot back telling Vox, “I wouldn’t want to be a labor leader and have to explain to my hardworking nurses or truck drivers or tradesmen why we’re wasting hundreds of thousands of their families’ dollars attacking a progressive Democrat who’s with them on nearly every issue but this bill. And I certainly wouldn’t want to have to explain to those workers that if their money is successful, they’ll get a staunch anti-union representative as their reward.”

The labor group also aired a TV ad against California Democratic Rep. Ami Bera, charging he will “do anything to keep his job, including shipping your job overseas.”

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In total, just 27 Democrats voted yes on both the Trade Promotion Authority, TPA, and Trade Adjustment Assistance, TAA, measures last week. Most of those members come from centrist districts and are facing tough reelection fights. That includes Bera, who is among the most vulnerable members of Congress after only narrowly winning reelection last November. He has claimed the groups are trying to “bully” him into changing his position and that he’s voting for what is best for his district.

But labor groups don’t seem fazed by the prospect a Republican who would be at odds with them even more could win the seat.

“Ami Bera won off the support of working families’ boots in the district, knocking on doors for him,” AFL-CIO spokesperson Amaya Smith told Politico. “But no one’s saying, ‘Let’s not call him out, because we’re scared of a Republican taking him out.'”

Another California Democratic lawmaker is already seeing rumblings of a primary challenge. Labor groups are urging Assemblyman Henry Perea to challenge Democratic Rep. Jim Costa, according to Roll Call. Costa also only narrowly won reelection last year.

In California, especially, unions and progressives backing another Democrat could have an impact. The state has a “top-two” party primary system, with the top-two finishers advancing regardless of party. An anti-trade candidate could push past the incumbent in a primary and be favored over the GOP nominee, or a split among Democrats could help two Republicans make it to the general.

Some are starting to see shades of the advent of the Tea Party in the aggressive tactics. New York Times columnist David Brooks certainly thinks so, writing in a column this week raising the idea that “the Republican Tea Partiers are suspicious of all global diplomatic arrangements. The Democrats’ version of the Tea Partiers are suspicious of all global economic arrangements.”

Other groups say that the biggest threat is that their members won’t be helping with grassroots efforts. But if it comes to using the same tactics they decry in conservatives, some Democrats are embracing that moniker.

“To the extent that the Tea Party puts pressure on the Republican Party, then yes, we’re also putting pressure on Congress to behave a certain type of way,” MoveOn.org Action campaign director Justin Krebs told NPR.

MoveOn.org has already put another top lawmaker on notice over trade. Oregon Sen. Ron Wyden, the top Democrat on the Senate Finance Committee, faced backlash for his support for the bill, with the group saying there is support for a primary challenger, though no alternative has yet emerged.

Earlier this year, the group Fight for the Future began following Wyden around to town-hall meetings in Oregon with a 30-foot blimp, urging him to oppose the trade deal.

The divide isn’t just manifesting itself in Congress, though. With progressives like Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren and Vermont Independent Sen. Bernie Sanders — who’s surging in the Democratic presidential primary race — leading the charge, it’s an issue that’s spilling out into the presidential race, too.

Leading Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton has expressed skepticism about the current deal, but has yet to take a concrete position either for or against the proposal. Previously, as secretary of state, she was in favor of it.

Progressives are promising this will be a defining issue for them next election cycle and beyond — one they will use as a stringent litmus test for candidates.

“We know that our members are deeply committed to this issue,” Krebs said. “I think you will see that leading into the 2016 discussion even more.”

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Surprise! Some Job-Based Health Plans Don't Cover Hospitalization

Hospital bills can be as painful as the injury that lands you there — especially if insurance doesn't cover the costs.

Hospital bills can be as painful as the injury that lands you there — especially if insurance doesn’t cover the costs. iStockphoto hide caption

itoggle caption iStockphoto

Marlene Allen thought she had decent medical coverage after she fell in December and broke her wrist. She had come in from walking the dogs. It was wet. The fracture needed surgery and screws and a plate.

Weeks later, she learned her job-based health plan would cover nothing. Not the initial doctor visit, not the outpatient surgery, not the anesthesiology. She had $19,000 in bills.

“Make sure you find out what kind of plan it is” when employers offer coverage, advises Allen, who lives in northern Minnesota. “I thought health insurance was health insurance.”

A complex health law and bad information helped cause the trouble.

When her employer offered the health plan late last summer, Allen thought she had to sign up. That was wrong.

Once she was on the employer plan, she thought she had to drop the better, more comprehensive coverage she had bought through MNsure, the state’s online insurance marketplace. That was also wrong.

After she learned that her work plan covered hardly anything, and she tried to get back on a marketplace policy, MNsure told her she’s not eligible for subsidies to buy it. Wrong again.

“Horrible situation,” says Sabrina Corlette, project director at Georgetown University’s Center on Health Insurance Reforms. It “does make you wonder about the training these call-center folks are getting.”

Last September, with an impending January deadline for employers to provide some sort of health insurance, in accordance with the federal health law, Allen’s employer introduced a plan that covered only vaccines, blood-pressure tests and other preventive care.

Skimpy though they are, such benefits meet one of the law’s tests — the one that says employers must offer “minimum essential coverage” or pay a fine of about $2,000 per worker. (The skimpy benefits do not, by the way, pass a second requirement — that employer coverage offer “minimum value,” including hospitalization. Flunking that test can result in a different fine of up to $3,000 per worker.)

Allen works for Independence Plus, a home-care agency. She takes care of her disabled son, who has multiple sclerosis, and gets paid through a state program as the company’s employee.

Last fall, she joined the agency’s minimum essential coverage plan and dropped her comprehensive MNsure plan. She knew the new coverage wasn’t great, but she thought it would at least cover surgery. She believed she was obligated to take the coverage, and didn’t notice that the insurance card says, “Preventive Services Only.”

She was shocked when she learned it covered none of the charges for her broken wrist. She had always been careful to have medical insurance. Suddenly she faced hospital bills equal to more than half her annual income.

“I don’t even want to call it a health plan,” she says. “It should be illegal.”

Minimum essential coverage policies, also known as “skinny plans,” spread last year as lower-wage employers — such as temp agencies and hotels — adopted them as a shield against the $2,000 federal fine. Unlike Independence Plus, many employers supplement skinny plans with other health insurance, although even some of those lacked hospitalization benefits until federal regulators moved to ban them.

“There aren’t too many companies that are doing just [these skinny] plans,” said George Reardon, a Houston benefits lawyer who works with staffing companies.

Ruby Baranski, who heads Independence Plus, says her firm can’t afford more comprehensive benefits or even get insurers to offer them because of high worker-turnover. She blames President Barack Obama and the Affordable Care Act for forcing her to offer a minimal plan to avoid the fine of $2,000 per employee.

“I kind of got slapped with this,” Baranski says.

Faced with no way to pay her huge bill, Allen applied for assistance from the health system that fixed her arm. Sanford Health would not comment on her case, but on June 3, it sent Allen a letter agreeing to wipe out its entire, $17,200 bill. That would leave her with only a $1,800 charge from the anesthesiologist.

Allen is grateful. But she’s also worried, because the skinny, preventive-only plan is still her only health insurance. In February she told a representative of MNsure that she wanted to get back on a marketplace plan.

Allen explained to MNsure that her workplace plan doesn’t cover hospitalization. She asked whether she could get subsidies to buy a comprehensive MNsure plan — the only way, with her $37,000 annual income, that she could afford the comprehensive policy’s monthly premiums.

No, MNsure said. Because Allen was offered an affordable plan at work, MNsure said, she could not get tax credits to help subsidize the premiums she’d pay for a marketplace plan.

That’s the wrong answer. All consumers in Allen’s income range do qualify for subsidies unless an employer plan is both affordable and meets the minimum value test with hospital, doctor and drug benefits. (There’s one more special case: Consumers eligible for a government program like Medicare are ineligible for subsidies aimed at defraying the cost of marketplace plans.)

Independence Plus’s plan is affordable, but because of its skimpy, preventive-only benefits it falls far short of “minimum value” under the law.

Once Allen learned she had gotten bad information, MNsure’s regular enrollment period for 2015 was over; it was too late to sign up. She applied for an exception so she wouldn’t have to wait until next year to get covered.

MNsure spokesman Joseph Campbell acknowledges the error, but says it was a rare exception. The marketplace’s employee training manual addresses both affordability and minimum value, he says.

But on Wednesday Allen got a letter stating again that she is ineligible for tax credits because she has access to insurance elsewhere.

“Boy, something is so wrong with this,” she says.

The bigger lesson, Allen says, is this: Don’t assume insurance offered by your employer is real medical coverage.

“You think when the word ‘insurance’ is said, it should cover you for everything,” Allen says. Now she knows that’s not true.

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Royals Fans Vote Early And Often For Their All-Star Favorites

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Kansas City players are leading in the online voting for almost every single starting position in the All-Star Game. This has caused shock and outrage for fans of other American League teams.

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Today in Movie Culture: 'Toy Story' Gets an Honest Trailer, 'Jurassic World' Inspires Real Zookeepers and More

Here are a bunch of little bites to satisfy your hunger for movie culture:

Movie Take-Down of the Day:

Honest Trailers doesn’t play around with its roast of Toy Story, and they got Will Sasso involved to give us more of his Randy Newman impersonation:

[embedded content]

Meme of the Day:

Zookeepers all over are re-creating the shot from Jurassic World where Chris Pratt is holding off his raptor squad. There’s also a meme associated with the shot, which you can see more of at BuzzFeed.

Movie Spoof of the Day:

Mad Max: Out of Gas shows us what happens when the Mad Max franchise runs out of fuel, literally and figuratively (via Topless Robot):

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Vintage Image of the Day:

Here’s Ralph Bellamy, who was born on this day in 1904, poutily earning his Oscar nomination for The Awful Truth:

Posters of the Day:

These two new posters for Captain America: The First Avenger by Marko Manev went on sale at today at Grey Matter Art.

Movie Comparison of the Day:

Did you notice how Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles is the same movie as Iron Man? CinemaSins provides 24 pieces of evidence:

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Cosplay of the Day:

If we didn’t know any better, we’d think these were stills from the live-action remakes of Beauty and the Beast and The Little Mermaid (Belle via Fashionably Geek, Ariel via KamiKame).

Toy of the Day:

ReAction pays tribute to the first major summer blockbuster with these interconnected figures from Jaws (via Topless Robot):

Star Wars of the Day:

There are probably plenty Star Wars-loving bikers who would love to have this on a t-shirt (via Neatorama):

Vintage Trailer of the Day:

Russ Meyers‘s Beyond the Valley of the Dolls, featuring a screenplay by Roger Ebert, opened 45 years ago today. Watch the original filmmaker-focused trailer:

[embedded content]

Send tips or follow us via Twitter:

and

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Watch: The 'Despicable Me' Humans Bring Us 'The Secret Life of Pets' Trailer

Chances are you won’t ever look at your dogs, cats, birds, rabbits and fishes the same way again after watching this adorable first trailer for The Secret Life of Pets, from the humans who brought us the Despicable Me and Minions movies.

Ever want to know what your pets do after you leave home for the day? Well… you can start by watching this.

[embedded content]

Cute, right? We’ll wait here while you hide the TV remote and throw a padlock on your refrigerator just in case.

The Secret Life of Pets officially hits theaters on July 8, 2016, and it’ll feature a voice cast that includes Louis C.K., Albert Brooks, Lake Bell, Ellie Kemper, Kevin Hart, Eric Stonestreet, and at least one poodle who totally knows how to rock out hard.

As to what the movie will be about, expect a funny tale (with lots of tails) about friendship and adventure, as our hero Max (Louis C.K.) must learn to live with a new family pet, as well as help foil a rabbit’s scheme to exact revenge on all the happy-owned pets and their owners.

Check out the poster below, then go give your favorite pet a belly rub and a stern talking-to about rocking out too hard in the living room when you’re not at home.

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Washington Berry Pickers Push For Elusive Union Contract

Workers sort through strawberry roots on a planter pulled behind a tractor at Sakuma Brothers Farm in Burlington, Wash.

Workers sort through strawberry roots on a planter pulled behind a tractor at Sakuma Brothers Farm in Burlington, Wash. Liz Jones/KUOW hide caption

itoggle caption Liz Jones/KUOW

On a recent morning at Sakuma Brothers Farm, eight Latino workers sat on a bench seat behind a tractor, planting strawberry roots that will bear fruit in a few years. Dust masks and goggles covered their faces.

Sakuma Brothers runs fruit operations in Washington state and in California, selling berries to top brands like Driscoll’s, Haagen-Dazs and Yoplait. The four-generation family farm is an institution in this part of the state.

But the farm lately has faced lawsuits, worker strikes and consumer boycotts, which have largely yielded victories for its workers. The disputes have caught the attention of farm owners and labor groups across the county. And a pending Washington State Supreme Court ruling on how Sakuma handles rest breaks could prompt farm workers to bring similar lawsuits against their employers elsewhere.

Some workers at Sakuma Brothers say that what’s needed is a union contract. They’re asking for a legally binding agreement on wages, and for a flat rate of $15 per hour for all harvesters, instead of the current system that pays workers by the pound for how much they pick — what’s called a piece rate.

They also want the contract to define a grievance system, medical coverage and payment of transportation costs for seasonal workers who migrate every year from California.

Ramon Torres, president of Familias Unidas Por la Justicia (Families United for Justice), says about 460 current and former Sakuma workers have joined this movement.

“We have families that have worked 10 to 11 years for Sakuma. Season after season, the same families come back to work here,” Torres says. Those families want to keep working here – but with a guarantee of fair conditions and wages, he says.

Rosalinda Guillen, a longtime labor organizer, grew up in these fields and has helped Torres’s group push for a contract.

The labor unrest flared up a few years back, when, for the first time, Sakuma brought in guest workers through the federal H-2A visa program. Local workers claimed the foreign crew displaced them and was paid better. The company disagreed. But the relationship became fraught, and longtime workers said they wanted to lock in some job security.

Flats of blueberries from Sakuma Brothers Farms are seen at Ballard Market in Seattle in 2013.

Flats of blueberries from Sakuma Brothers Farms are seen at Ballard Market in Seattle in 2013. Liz Jones/KUOW hide caption

itoggle caption Liz Jones/KUOW

“This company has ruined a lot of the trust and the goodwill that they used to have,” Guillen said. “In order to build trust with workers again, they have to sign a union contract.”

Historically, farm worker contracts are difficult to achieve. Only about 2 percent of farm workers in the county are part of a union. California is the only major farm state that offers a legal framework for this type of union to operate. Which means that Familias Unidas in Washington state is charting an unusual path.

Torres and Guillen say they’re hopeful Sakuma will eventually come around.

“They say that they are a good neighbor and have been here as part of the Skagit Valley for five to six generations,” Guillen says. “So have we.”

Danny Weeden, Sakuma’s new CEO, has inherited this labor dispute at Sakuma and says he’s heard the workers’ message. As the first non-Sakuma ever at the helm, he’s one of the biggest changes at the farm this season. He came on to help the company at a turbulent time.

“For the most part we were doing the right things,” Weeden says. “We needed to change some things, too. And we’ve done that. And we’ve addressed that. And we’re going to continue to get better and better and better.”

They fired some managers and intensified training workshops. They added new benefits, including a housing stipend for workers who don’t live on the farm. They also plan to bring in more mobile health clinics and expand recreational programs. And – here’s the big one – they revamped how field workers get paid.

Weeden said Sakuma will still pay based on production, but more than before. Everyone will earn at least $10 an hour; faster berry pickers could make up to $27 an hour. They will also now pay for rest breaks, which is an issue in yet another pending court decision.

“Our most valued resource on our farm are our people and our workers,” Weeden says. “So that’s why our mantra is caring and compliance. That’s what’s going to get us for the long-term success of this company.”

Legal action prompted some of these changes. A federal class-action lawsuit forced Sakuma to pay out workers who said the farm shorted their wages. That settlement last year cost $850,000 and marked a rare win for farm labor. Familias Unidas has also won legal victories on claims that Sakuma retaliated against them in the company housing and in hiring practices.

As for the union, Weeden appears uninterested in further talks. He said that hit a dead end. And he says he believes the company is headed in a good direction.

Walking through the berry fields, Weeden and other managers say they rely heavily on the bilingual supervisors to help with worker issues. But they aim to get more directly involved, too.

On the walk, Rich Brim, company vice president, pulls out his phone.

“We believe in caring and compliance,” he says, parroting a company mantra.

The phone interpreted into Spanish: “Creemos en el cuidado y el cumplimiento.”

“I’ll practice that one,” Brim says. “And that’s a guarantee.”

Liz Jones is a reporter for NPR member station KUOW in Seattle. A version of this story first appeared on KUOW’s website.

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Legendary High School Football Coach On Career: 'Athletics Is Just Like Life'

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NPR’s Melissa Block talks to Summerville, S.C., high school football coach John McKissick, who announced his retirement Tuesday after 63 years. He won 621 games and 10 state championships.

Transcript

MELISSA BLOCK, HOST:

When John McKissick first started coaching football, Harry Truman was president. Well, after 63 years as head football coach at Summerville High School in South Carolina, John McKissick has decided to retire. Sixty-three years – in that time, he won 621 games – that’s more than any high school football coach ever – and 10 state championships. Here’s what coach McKissick said when he announced his retirement yesterday.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

JOHN MCKISSICK: What did the old Satchel Paige say? He said, how old would you be if you didn’t know how old you were? Well, if I didn’t know how old I was, I would probably be in the 40s, but I know I’m approaching 89 pretty soon yet.

BLOCK: And Coach McKissick joins us now from his office at Summerville High School. Welcome to the program.

MCKISSICK: Thank you.

BLOCK: And you feel like a young man at heart still?

MCKISSICK: Yeah, I still feel good. I’ve been out in the sun so much. I got a little skin cancer popping up every now and then, but the insides to be holding up pretty good.

(LAUGHTER)

BLOCK: Was this a hard decision to come to, Coach?

MCKISSICK: Yes, it was real hard, and it’s emotional. And when you’ve been getting up every morning and coming to a place that you enjoy coming to – and, well, as I can remember now – I think I’m telling the truth – I’ve never gotten up one morning in my life and dreaded going to work.

BLOCK: How many players do you figure you’ve coached in all that time?

MCKISSICK: My wife has kept a record of every year that I’ve coached. She’s got big scrapbooks – every year.

BLOCK: Oh, yeah?

MCKISSICK: And I think maybe about 5,500.

BLOCK: No kidding.

MCKISSICK: That’s a lot.

BLOCK: That is a whole lot (laughter). And some of them have gone on to great things in football, I think, right?

MCKISSICK: Yeah, they have had great things in football. Some of them are great community workers, doctors, lawyers. I got a lot of them I’m proud of.

BLOCK: What’s your style been as coach?

MCKISSICK: Be fair. Treat all the kids the same, whether they are super athlete or whether they got on the team just not a good athlete. Be truthful to the parents when they ask you, why aren’t you doing this? Or why isn’t my son doing that? Let them know that you might make a mistake, but the cream generally comes to the top, and it’ll work itself (unintelligible).

BLOCK: I would think it’s going to be a hard thing for you, Coach McKissick, when it comes to a fall Friday night, and you know you’re not going to be there on the sidelines during a game.

MCKISSICK: Well, I guess I’ll be sitting in the stands somewhere by myself, getting away ’cause I don’t want to interfere with anything.

BLOCK: You’ll still be going to the games.

MCKISSICK: (Laughter) But I’ll still go to the games.

BLOCK: Would you be tempted to get down there and start coaching again?

MCKISSICK: No, I won’t criticize. Athletics is just like life. It’s a blame game. And if they would throw pass and it’s complete, boy, that was a nice play that the coach just took care of. And then you throw the pass and it’s intercepted and – why the devil did he throw that pass?

BLOCK: (Laughter).

MCKISSICK: So I’m going to stay away from all that stuff.

BLOCK: Well, have you given much thought to what you’ll fill your time with now that you’re retired?

MCKISSICK: Not really. I made a deal with my wife. I’ll be 89 in September, and she’s 84. And I told her – I said, I’m going to give you a week, and I’m going to take a week, and we’re going to alternate weeks. The first week, if you want it, you got the last word. The next week, I got the last word, and that way we won’t have a fuss.

(LAUGHTER)

BLOCK: And you’ll see how that works out?

MCKISSICK: Yeah, that ought to work out.

BLOCK: How does she feel about that?

MCKISSICK: She laughs (laughter). I don’t know whether she cannot have the last word (laughter).

BLOCK: Well, Coach McKissick, thanks for talking with us, and all of the best in your retirement. Appreciate it.

MCKISSICK: Thank you, and it was nice talking to you.

BLOCK: That’s John McKissick. He’s announced he’s retiring as football coach of Summerville High School in South Carolina after 63 years.

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The Problem With Donald Trump's One-Page Summary On His Wealth

Donald Trump displays a copy of a summary of his net worth during his presidential announcement Tuesday.

Donald Trump displays a copy of a summary of his net worth during his presidential announcement Tuesday. Richard Drew/AP hide caption

itoggle caption Richard Drew/AP

Just how much is Donald Trump worth?

“I’m really rich,” Trump declared during his presidential announcement Tuesday in New York at Trump Tower, one of the many buildings around the world donning his name.

But just how rich has always been a question. It was one before the real-estate mogul declared for president and, well, it remains a big question afterward, too, despite Trump holding up a one-page form declaring he is worth roughly $9 billion.

Trump has never liked to get specific about his wealth, but presidents and presidential candidates have no choice. Federal ethics law requires them to file annual disclosure reports, including a financial disclosure form 30 days after officially announcing.

“A lot of pundits on television said he’ll never run,” Trump boasted. “He’s too private, and he’s probably not as successful as everybody thinks.”

And with that, he brandished his answer: a one-page “Summary of Net Worth,” which he said was produced­ by his accounts and a “big accounting firm, one of the most highly respected.”

The summary puts Trump’s assets at $9.24 billion and his liabilities at just $503 million, giving him a net worth of just over $8.7 billion.

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That’s more than double an estimate from the Forbes list of billionaires, which pegged it at $4.1 billion. But, particularly at this level of personal wealth, the numbers released hardly tell the whole story. The one-page summary makes it difficult to unravel how the math is calculated. Specific buildings, real estate and holdings are not itemized, like they are required to be in a more detailed candidate financial disclosure.

The properties Trump owns can be assessed at book value — roughly speaking, the initial cost minus depreciation — or they can be assessed at fair-market value. The real-estate market can be volatile, and sometimes there are big gaps, especially if the real estate is Trump Tower and the Grand Hyatt hotel in midtown Manhattan.

Trump appears to be leaving millions of dollars on the table, a real-estate investment adviser said, by paying off his mortgage debt rather than using low-interest loans to leverage the real estate for reinvestment.

Another questioned whether the real-estate values might be overstated. Both advisers asked to speak on the condition on anonymity.

“There’s not enough information to really understand it,” said Frederick Chinn, an advisor at the Atalon Group in Henderson, Nev. “There are a lot of questions I would have just looking at the statement.”

Then there’s the value of the Trump brand. Trump’s statement judges his “real estate licensing deals, brand and branded developments” to be worth $3.3 billion.

But to Forbes, the brand is worth less than $300 million, said Anand Chokkavelu, managing editor of the Motley Fool investing website Fool.com.

“I side with Forbes,” Chokkavelu said. “I don’t see any reason to take his self-reported net worth at face value.”

Trump has a July 16 deadline for filing the official disclosure. He said he would do it on time.

“Everything will be filed eventually with the government,” Trump declared at his announcement, “and we don’t [need] extensions or anything. We’ll be filing it right on time. We don’t need anything.”

There are legal liabilities for misreporting. Although the feds can grant deadline extensions, Fox News might not. It has a Republican debate scheduled Aug. 6, and candidates must file if they want to participate.

But even when a candidate files a more detailed disclosure, accuracy is hard to nearly impossible to enforce, watchdogs warn. Newt Gingrich in 2011, for example, filed a disclosure that did not list his paid speeches or television analyst contract. They were lumped in with income from Gingrich Productions, obscuring the details.

“Once you throw your hat in that ring, there’s a bunch of laws that are supposed to apply to you, not all of them are enforced with the same level of rigor,” Bill Allison, a senior fellow at the Sunlight Foundation, told NPR’s Joel Rose. “And the financial disclosure is one of those areas where candidates have a lot of leeway to fudge the numbers.”

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FBI Probes How And Why Houston Astros Database Was Breached

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The FBI is investigating whether the St. Louis Cardinals hacked into the database of the Houston Astros. Steve Inskeep talks to Derrick Goold, Cardinals beat writer for the St. Louis Post-Dispatch.

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