August 22, 2019

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A Dead Cat, A Lawyer’s Call And A 5-Figure Donation: How Media Fell Short On Epstein

Earlier this month, Jeffrey Epstein killed himself, authorities say, in federal prison as he faced criminal charges alleging sex trafficking of underage girls.

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A coterie of intimidating lawyers. A deployment of charm. An aura of invincibility. A five-figure donation to a New York Times reporter’s favored nonprofit. A bullet delivering a message. Even, it is alleged, a cat’s severed head in the front yard of the editor-in-chief of Vanity Fair.

Such were the tools the disgraced financier Jeffrey Epstein is said to have used to try to soften news coverage and at times stave off journalistic scrutiny altogether.

Before his death earlier this month, Epstein owned the largest townhouse in Manhattan, little more than a mile from many of the nation’s leading news organizations. He counted a former and a future president among his friends. He partied with royalty and supermodels. He was said to advise billionaires.

Epstein killed himself, authorities say, in federal prison as he faced criminal charges alleging sex trafficking of underage girls, some as young as 14, in his mansions in New York and Florida. And yet with a few notable exceptions, the national media infrequently covered Epstein’s behavior and rarely looked at the associates who helped him evade accountability for his actions — at least, not until the Miami Herald‘s Julie K. Brown’s investigative series late last year.

“We count on the press to uncover problems, not merely to report on when problems have been prosecuted and when people have been indicted, but to uncover problems before they reach that stage,” says David Boies, an attorney for several of Epstein’s accusers. “And here you had a terrible problem. A horrific series of abuses.”

Boies’ firm helped file lawsuits in 2015 and 2017 for clients alleging that Epstein and his associates had sexually trafficked underage girls, at his various homes. The suits were publicly available documents but received little attention in the press.

“We spread them out in two public complaints. We would go to the media to try to explain what was going on,” Boies tells NPR. “With the exception, really, of the Miami Herald and the Daily Beast, prior to the arrest [of Epstein this summer] there was almost no substantive coverage.”

In some cases, Epstein successfully scared off some accusers and struck confidential settlements with others, making it harder for reporters to get them to recount their experiences on the record.

Journalists who have tracked the story say attitudes in society at large and newsrooms themselves shifted with the #MeToo movement that burst forth in the fall of 2017. Some of those cases involved prominent actresses who command resources and media attention.

Some critics of the press’s performance say ruefully there may have been a class element at play. As described in court documents, Epstein and his associates recruited young women from working-class backgrounds and disrupted families.

“We need to look at ourselves, too,” the Miami Herald‘s Brown tells NPR. “We need to understand why this wasn’t scrutinized in this way before.”

Separate instructive episodes stretch from 2003 to 2018 and involve three major American media outlets — Vanity Fair, ABC News and The New York Times. And taken together, they may help illuminate Epstein’s drive to avoid tough journalistic scrutiny and the media’s reluctance to take the story on.

Vanity Fair

Early one morning in the winter of 2003, Vanity Fair Editor-in-Chief Graydon Carter arrived at his magazine’s offices to find an unexpected visitor standing alone in the reception area behind its glass doors. It was Jeffrey Epstein.

In 2002, Carter had read a gossip item in the New York Post‘s Page Six column and decided to assign a reporter to answer the pressing question: Who exactly was Epstein and why was he flying former President Bill Clinton and other celebrities around on his jets?

Under Carter, Vanity Fair was known for eagerly dissecting the nation’s elites and just as eagerly rubbing shoulders with them.

Graydon Carter, former editor-in-chief of Vanity Fair, assigned reporter Vicky Ward to write a story about Epstein that was published in 2003.

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People had gossiped about Epstein’s influence and his sexual appetite. Also in 2002, future President Donald Trump told New York magazine: “It is even said that he likes beautiful women as much as I do, and many of them are on the younger side.”

Carter assigned the reporter Vicky Ward to write the story. This summer, she told NPR’s Morning Edition she wanted to pinpoint the source of Epstein’s wealth and to figure out why very young women were always spotted around him.

Ward interviewed two sisters, Maria and Annie Farmer. They alleged Epstein and his former girlfriend, Ghislaine Maxwell, lured them into his orbit for sexual exploitation. (Maxwell denies this and all related allegations.)

Maria, an aspiring artist, alleged Epstein and Maxwell sexually assaulted her together in an Ohio apartment. Annie was just 15 years old, the sisters allege, when Epstein sexually assaulted her at his vast New Mexico ranch. (Maria later detailed these allegations in an affidavit for a lawsuit filed in 2019.)

And so that morning when Epstein had materialized at the magazine’s offices, he was there to press Carter not to devote any attention to Epstein’s apparent interest in very young women.

“He was torturing Graydon,” says John Connolly, then a Vanity Fair contributing editor, who reported on crime and scandal.

Epstein beseeched Carter and berated him, Connolly says, that morning and subsequently, in a flood of phone calls. Epstein denied to Carter any misconduct and wanted him to steer away from the subject.

In March 2003, Vanity Fair did publish Ward’s piece. Titled “The Talented Mr. Epstein,” it took a tough look at Epstein’s lavish lifestyle and questioned the origins of his fortune.

It did not report the Farmers’ accusations of abuse.

In March 2003, Vanity Fair published Vicky Ward’s story titled “The Talented Mr. Epstein.”

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In a statement, Carter says Vanity Fair takes its legal obligations seriously, especially when the subject is a private person rigorously protected under libel laws.

Carter previously told The Hollywood Reporter that Ward did not have three sources on the record, which he said he considered necessary for the story. This week, Carter amended that: He says Ward did not have three sources that met the magazine’s “legal threshold.”

For the first time, in comments to NPR, Maria and Annie Farmer are publicly confirming they gave interviews to Ward. They say they both spoke about their abuse on the record, by name, back in 2002. Their mother, Janice Farmer, tells NPR she did too. And she says they were crestfallen Vanity Fair didn’t report their allegations.

“We decided to share our story about Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell with a writer for Vanity Fair in 2002 because telling other people what happened to us, as we had already done, did not lead to either of them being held accountable,” they wrote in a statement for this article. “We spoke on the record. Our mother spoke on the record.”

Attorney David Boies (left) and Annie Farmer, one of Epstein’s accusers, walk to a news conference outside federal court in New York on July 15.

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“It was terribly painful,” the Farmer sisters wrote in a statement for this article. “We hoped the story would put people on notice and they would be stopped from abusing other young girls and young women. That didn’t happen. In the end, the story that ran erased our voices.”

Boies, a lawyer for the Farmer sisters, says the omission made it more difficult to get victims and witnesses to speak out. “I think it helped create the impression among many of the victims that the media was under Epstein’s control, that Epstein had all this power,” he says.

Soon after publication, Connolly says, Carter called to share an ominous development: a bullet placed right outside his front door at his Manhattan home.

“That wasn’t a coincidence,” Connolly says.

Even in the absence of any evidence Epstein was involved, Connolly says, both Carter and he considered the bullet a clear warning from Epstein. Another former colleague, who spoke on condition of anonymity, recalls receiving an anguished call from Carter linking the bullet to Epstein. (NPR asked Carter repeatedly over the course of a week for his recollections of the bullet incident along with other elements presented here. After this story was broadcast and posted, his spokeswoman wrote to say Carter recalled the bullet appearing in 2004, not 2003.)

In 2006, federal authorities compiled accusations against Epstein in Florida. Connolly says he headed south to see if there was a story there for Vanity Fair.

As Connolly pursued interviews with women who had worked for Epstein, he says, Carter called him once more. The editor had found another intrusion, this time in the front yard of his Connecticut home: the severed head of a dead cat.

“It was done to intimidate,” Connolly tells NPR. “No question about it.” (Others who worked for Vanity Fair at the time said the cat’s head was the talk of the office.)

Connolly tells NPR he voluntarily decided to stop pursuing the subject for the magazine. He later wrote a nonfiction book about Epstein with the bestselling crime novelist James Patterson.

In statements to NPR, Carter says the magazine never held back on reporting on Epstein because of any sense of threat.

Although federal investigators had identified nearly three dozen victims, Epstein’s legal team was able to strike a controversial deal letting him plead guilty to reduced state charges of soliciting prostitution from a teenager.

After release from jail, Epstein was accepted back into society by many leading social figures in Manhattan and beyond. He donated generous amounts to top scientists and scholars at Harvard and MIT and became a philanthropist for leading institutions of art and music.

In 2010, a group of media heavyweights joined a dinner in honor of Britain’s Prince Andrew. It was arranged by a Hollywood publicist and hosted by Epstein at his Manhattan townhouse. Attendees included ABC anchor George Stephanopoulos and CBS anchors Katie Couric and Charlie Rose.

Ghislaine Maxwell and a guest at the 2014 Vanity Fair Oscar party hosted by Graydon Carter in West Hollywood, Calif.

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The next year, Ward posted an essay about Epstein and his circle. In that 2011 essay, she referred glancingly to Epstein’s “sexual peccadilloes.”

And Ward wrote about Maxwell in glowing terms as “always the most interesting, the most vivacious, the most unusual person in any room. I’ve spent hours talking to her about the Third World at a bar until two a.m. She is as passionate as she is knowledgeable. She is curious.”

Ward concluded: “In this city, money makes up for all sorts of blemishes.”

In March 2014, a society photographer captured a snap of Maxwell as a guest at a black-tie party held after the Academy Awards in Hollywood. The party was sponsored by Vanity Fair. It was hosted by Graydon Carter.

ABC News

In recent months, a photograph of Virginia Roberts Giuffre has ricocheted around the world. It shows a young woman with a broad smile on her face, and Prince Andrew’s hand rests on her hip next to her exposed midriff. The prince is smiling too.

Giuffre is about 17 in the photograph, taken in 2001 at Maxwell’s London home. Other pictures of Giuffre published by tabloids are from a party for the supermodel Naomi Campbell. Epstein and Maxwell stand just a few feet from Giuffre in pictures from that night.

Giuffre had become part of Epstein’s household. Her presence at Campbell’s party, Giuffre later testified, was part of a six-week trip Epstein took her on throughout Europe and the Mediterranean. After a later party she attended for Campbell, she said, Epstein told her to have sex with a businessman, and she said she performed a sexual act upon him. Epstein later procured her for sex with other associates as well, she said, Prince Andrew among them — a charge he and Buckingham Palace sharply reject.

Maxwell had come across Giuffre while the younger woman worked at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago resort in Palm Beach, according to allegations in court documents. Giuffre was a locker room attendant there. Maxwell spied her reading a book about anatomy and massage therapy as she happened by.

In May 2009, Giuffre sued Epstein and accused Maxwell of recruiting her to a life of being sexually trafficked while she was a minor. She alleged it took years to escape. (Maxwell rejects her allegations.)

In 2015, the ABC News team of Amy Robach and Jim Hill secured an interview with Giuffre. In a sequence of events confirmed by the network, producers paid for Giuffre and her family to fly from Colorado, where they lived, to New York City and put them up at the Ritz-Carlton hotel on Central Park South. Robach and her news crew interviewed Giuffre on tape for more than an hour about Epstein and his entourage.

“At the time, in 2015, Epstein was walking around a free man, comparing his criminal behavior to stealing a bagel,” Giuffre writes in an email to NPR. “I really wanted a spotlight shone on him and the others who acted with him and enabled his vile and shameless conduct against young girls and young women.”

“I viewed the ABC interview as a potential game-changer,” she writes. “Appearing on ABC with its wide viewership would have been the first time for me to speak out against the government for basically looking the other way and to describe the anger and betrayal victims felt.”

The story never aired. And Giuffre has said she was never directly told why.

ABC News would not detail its editorial choices.

One ABC News staffer with knowledge of events says the network received a call from one of Epstein’s top lawyers: Harvard law professor emeritus Alan Dershowitz. And Giuffre and her lawyers placed great significance on that call.

Dershowitz had been part of the powerhouse legal team that earlier kept Epstein from facing serious federal charges in Florida, which also included former Whitewater independent counsel Kenneth Starr and renowned Miami defense attorney Roy Black.

Dershowitz tells NPR he intervened after learning ABC was on the brink of broadcasting its interview with Giuffre. He says he believes he spoke with two producers and a lawyer within the same 24-hour period.

“I did not want to see [Giuffre’s] credibility enhanced by ABC,” Dershowitz says.

In a December 2014 court filing in another accuser’s lawsuit, Giuffre had alleged Dershowitz was among the prominent men Epstein had instructed her to have sex with when she was a teenager. In early 2015, Dershowitz had rejected her account out of hand in his own court filings. (The nature of his denials were such that Giuffre sued Dershowitz for defamation earlier this year. Dershowitz has asked the court to dismiss that lawsuit.)

By September 2015, ABC soon had another possible news hook. Giuffre filed a defamation lawsuit against Maxwell in which she alleged specifics of just how, in her account, she was recruited and abused by Epstein and Maxwell. (Maxwell, again, denies those claims.) Boies, who represents Giuffre, told the Miami Herald that case was settled in 2017.

ABC episodically covered the various lawsuits. Yet it did not broadcast the interview with Giuffre.

“I found [Giuffre] to be very truthful and credible,” says the Herald‘s Brown, who interviewed her several years later for the paper’s coverage. “There were other things in the record that supported her story. So I didn’t have any qualms about it.”

Brown said a fear of being sued was a constant for reporters on the Epstein story.

The network says its decision not to broadcast the interview four years ago reflected proper journalistic care.

“At the time, not all of our reporting met our standards to air, but we never stopped investigating the story,” ABC News spokeswoman Heather Riley said in a statement sent to NPR this week. “Over the past year we have put a whole team on this investigation, which will air in the coming months.”

The #MeToo movement has affected journalistic practices in handling such circumstances.

In October 2017, more than two years after the Giuffre interview, ABC’s Diane Sawyer interviewed the actor Ashley Judd about her accusations against Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein.

At that time, Judd had not yet filed a lawsuit against Weinstein and he did not yet face criminal charges. Yet ABC viewers heard Judd’s accusations in full.

Giuffre now lives in Australia with her husband and children.

“I was defeated, once again, by the very people I spoke out against and once again, my voice was silenced,” Giuffre tells NPR. “I could not believe that a formidable network like ABC had backed down and given in.”

The New York Times

Last August, reporters at The New York Times and other publications received word Tesla founder Elon Musk was relying on Epstein to advise him on whom to consider hiring as board chair or chief executive.

Editors at the Times sent business columnist James Stewart to talk to Epstein. “I wondered why would Musk, if this is true, be using a registered sex offender to recruit new members to the board,” Stewart recently told The Kicker, a podcast from the Columbia Journalism Review.

Given Epstein’s criminal history, the off-the-record conversation took a surprising turn. As Stewart wrote last week: “He said that criminalizing sex with teenage girls was a cultural aberration and that at times in history it was perfectly acceptable.”

Yet Stewart was not the editors’ first choice to interview Epstein further.

Initially, they had asked Landon Thomas Jr., a veteran financial correspondent who had been at the Times for 16 years.

Thomas knew Epstein fairly well — having first written about the financier, back in 2002, just before he joined the paper. Thomas had considered him a valued source ever since, even after Epstein’s release from jail for sex offenses. Just how valued turned out to be a problem for the reporter and the paper.

This account is based on interviews with five current and former New York Times staffers with knowledge of the episode. They spoke on condition they not be directly named; while the Times confirmed the contours of the incident, it declined to authorize its journalists to comment. Thomas also declined to comment for this story.

But Thomas flagged a problem. He told his editors Epstein had been a great source for years and had become something of a friend as well. How close? Thomas had solicited a $30,000 contribution from Epstein for a Harlem cultural center, he told them.

Thomas suggested Epstein was just a source of information, not someone he would report on or investigate. His editors were aghast. They rejected the distinction he was trying to make.

And his editors benched him instantly from any professional contact with Epstein.

“Soliciting a donation to a personal charity is a clear violation of the policy that governs Times journalists’ relationships with their sources,” said the Times Co.’s chief spokesperson, Eileen Murphy. “As soon as editors became aware of it, they took action.”

NPR found tax records that reflect a $30,000 donation in 2017 to a Montessori preschool called O’Gorman Garden in Harlem from a foundation based in the U.S. Virgin Islands that had previously been controlled by Epstein.

Colleagues pulled up his clippings. Thomas had not written frequently about Epstein. But several Times staffers say they were appalled by a piece they found.

For a 2008 profile, Thomas had traveled to Epstein’s private isle in the U.S. Virgin Islands. The piece ran just before Epstein submitted to authorities in Florida for incarceration.

It included this lyrical passage: “As his legal troubles deepened, Mr. Epstein gazed at the azure sea and the lush hills of St. Thomas in the distance, poked at a lunch of crab and rare steak prepared by his personal chef, and tried to explain how his life had taken such a turn,” Thomas wrote. “He likened himself to Gulliver shipwrecked among the diminutive denizens of Lilliput.”

The article largely presented Epstein as someone who solicited prostitutes, not committed sex crimes against minors. (Federal agents had by then identified several dozen possible victims.)

Rereading the story in August 2018, Thomas’ colleagues recalled the exclusives their paper broke that propelled the #MeToo awakening. This, they say, was an embarrassment.

By early January 2019, Thomas was gone from the Times, though the inspiration for his departure was not shared with the public.

Last weekend, the paper reported on a public apology by one of its corporate directors, Joichi Ito, who had landed millions of dollars from Epstein for the institute he leads, the MIT Media Lab. In a tweet, the paper’s media editor, Jim Windolf, said that Ito had sought funds from Epstein “a few years after Epstein got out of the Palm Beach County Jail.”

NPR’s Cat Schuknecht contributed reporting to this story.

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Opinion: Jay-Z Can’t Roc With The NFL Unless Kaepernick Gets A Seat At The Table

NFL commissioner Roger Goodell and Jay Z at Roc Nation’s Manhattan headquarters on August 14, announcing a partnership between the sports league and the rapper’s entertainment company.

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Ever since Jay-Z announced a partnership between his Roc Nation entertainment company and the NFL — ostensibly to help the league step up its Super Bowl halftime show and amplify its social justice program platform — the whole thing has played out like a tragic blaxploitation flick. One powerful scene in particular from the era keeps replaying in my mind, like an eerie precursor to last week’s press conference and the resulting fallout. It comes from The Mack, that 1973 cult classic about an ex-con who turns Oakland into a pimper’s paradise while dodging both the clutches of The Man and the revolutionary angst of The Brother Man. With the opening notes of Willie Hutch’s “Brothers Gonna Work It Out” stirring in the background, Goldie the pimp (Max Julien) and his movement-minded brother Olinka (Roger E. Mosely) square off in a war of words pitting black capitalist against black activist — one thriving off the system’s inherent inequality, the other dead-set on dismantling it piece by unconscionable piece.

“You really don’t understand, do you?” Olinka asks in his red, black and green knitted beanie. “Hey man, don’t you realize in order for this thing to work, we’ve got to get rid of the pimps and the pushers and the prostitutes? And then start all over again clean.” Goldie, his wide brim tilted to the side, strikes back: “Nobody’s closing me out of my business,” he says. “Being rich and black means something, man. Don’t you know that? Being poor and black don’t mean s***.”

To pimp or be pimped, that’s the eternal question — and from the cheap seats, it’s hard to tell which role Jay-Z has cast for himself. When it comes to espousing the ideals of free market enterprise, there is no bigger cheerleader in hip-hop than the rapper born Shawn Carter, who has come a long way from Brooklyn’s Marcy projects. But when the oppressed find themselves sitting in the seat of their oppressors after two decades of musical chairs, that’s no anomaly: It’s the system replicating itself as designed. For his part, Jay-Z helped raise a whole generation of fans on a don’t-hate-the-playa-hate-the-game ethos of black capitalism that doesn’t even begin to account for how rooted the system is in white supremacy and inequality. Can’t knock his hustle, but the dangerous thing about Jay’s latest deal is that it comes at the cost of a struggle already in progress. Whatever his intention, he’s only succeeded so far in further polarizing the movement that made Colin Kaepernick a modern-day Muhammad Ali.

“I think we’re past kneeling. I think it’s time for action,” Jay-Z stated while announcing the deal last week, sitting alongside NFL commissioner Roger Goddell at Roc Nation’s Manhattan headquarters on Aug. 14, three years to the day after Kaepernick’s first protest. The partnership has effectively turned one of the NFL’s most vocal (and certainly one of its most powerful) critics into a paid contractor. Two years ago, Jay wore a Kaepernick jersey during his Saturday Night Live performance. Last year, he thumbed his nose at the league with the line, “You need me / I don’t need you,” on the song “Apes***” that he released with Beyoncé. And when he urged artists like Travis Scott not to entertain Super Bowl performance offers, the assumption was that he was motivated by the same social politics in doing so. Now, the deal he’s struck for an as-yet undisclosed amount has raised questions what his motives were before.

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“Jay-Z Helps the NFL Banish Colin Kaepernick,” sports journalist Jemele Hill headlined her piece for The Atlantic. Indeed, the quarterback continues to pay the price of daring to use the NFL’s platform to bring visibility to social and racial injustice in America. Jay claimed last week that he had had a conversation with Kaepernick before closing the NFL deal, but refused to share the details of their talk. Kaepernick’s girlfriend, radio personality Nessa Diab, called that “a lie,” saying that Kaepernick was “never included in any discussion” with Jay-Z or the NFL about their eventual partnership. An anonymous source close to Kaepernick told Jemele Hill that he and Jay-Z did talk, but “it was not a good conversation.”

It’s easy to imagine that conversation going about as well as the one between Goldie and his brother in The Mack. Reactions to the deal have been equally explosive, especially on social media where age-old arguments about black America’s best path forward for true liberation — be it market-driven or movement-driven — were reignited. “F*** Colin Kaepernick,” rapper Freddie Gibbs posted on Instagram earlier this week while making it clear that he’s riding with Jay-Z. (He later tweeted that he’d had an enlightening conversation with Jemele Hill, after she posted that his response was exactly what the NFL wanted.) Other vocal Jay-Z supporters have included Vic Mensa and Cardi B, but with the caveat that they both believe Jay’s involvement will ultimately help Kaepernick get back into the league. Roc Nation’s own J. Cole and filmmaker Ava DuVernay have been among the high-profile supporters of Kaepernick in the past week, while Carolina Panther Eric Reid, who was the first to join Kaepernick’s protest, called Jay-Z “asinine” for saying the time for kneeling has passed. On the day of the press conference, Kaepernick himself wrote on Twitter,”I continue to work and stand with the people in our fight for liberation, despite those who are trying to erase the movement!”

According to Jay-Z, his switch from staunch NFL critic to potential ally came not as an abrupt about-face but through a series of conversations with Goodell over the last several months. He credits Patriots owner (and President Trump supporter) Robert Kraft with helping to start their talks; Kraft has also played an active role in Roc Nation’s criminal justice reform initiatives, most notably as a supporter of Meek Mill. Plans for collaboration include expanding on the league’s existing Inspire Change initiative by adding a program of unofficial anthems (“Songs of the Season”) from select artists to be played during NFL broadcasts, a podcasting platform for players (“Beyond the Field”) and a visual album of Super Bowl halftime shows. Those plans have already been criticized as a platform designed to move player protests off the field, and it already seems to be having the subtle effect of silencing NFL players on the field. One day after Miami Dolphins player Kenny Stills criticized Jay-Z for “choosing to speak for the people, [as if] he had spoken to the people,” Dolphins head coach Brian Flores reportedly had his team play eight straight Jay-Z songs to open up practice.

Maybe it’s easy to forget due to the narrative being hijacked by critics, but Kaepernick was never protesting the NFL. He was protesting police brutality and racial injustice, and for good reason: Young black men in America are now more than twice as likely to get killed by police than their white peers, according to a recent study. Clearly, this stuff is bigger than football. What remains to be seen is how Roc Nation’s collaborations with the NFL will address these systemic issues, and actually help bring us past the time for kneeling. As it stands, the deal feels like the NFL attempting to invalidate Kaepernick’s sacrifice, without extending him the courtesy of a seat at the table. And its success hinges on Jay’s ability to leverage black cultural capital for the benefit of a league that has spent the last three years publicly devaluing it.

At one point during last week’s press conference, Jay-Z turned the questions on the reporters in the room, asking several of them: “Do you know what the issue is?” It was a rhetorical question, meant to highlight his belief that Kaepernick’s protest has already done the job of highlighting what’s at stake. But the real question is whether Jay-Z truly understands the issue. After receiving pointed criticism from Harry Belafonte for a lack of social responsibility several years ago, Jay’s done admirable work pushing for criminal justice reform, producing documentaries on Trayvon Martin and Kalief Browder, and bankrolling legal defenses for Meek Mill’s probation case and 21 Savage’s immigration case. But he’s also been known to oversimplify the ways that money, power and racism intersect to marginalize Americans who look like him.

This is the same black billionaire, after all, who encouraged a concert hall full of his own skinfolk to, “Gentrify your own hood / Before these people do.” The freestyle was meant to pay homage to Nipsey Hussle’s economic revitalization efforts in South Central Los Angeles. But it failed to contextualize how property values and racial privilege remain tethered together in ways that overwhelmingly leave black folks displaced and erased in the process. Nor did it mention his own previous role in that same erasure: The 1% minority ownership stake he held in the Brooklyn Nets helped pacify concerns about the future economic impact of Barclays Center, a development that has helped gentrification creep into Biggie Smalls’ old hood just a few blocks away.

Despite the criticism, there’s still room for the Roc Nation / NFL initiative to do impressive work. The current fallout is largely about optics rather than execution. And Jay does have a history of shaky rollouts: Remember the live-streamed Tidal launch, anyone? His streaming service has not only survived alongside big boys Spotify and Apple, it’s built up its own brand loyalty by catering to an urban demographic. (As a longtime subscriber, I should know.)

Only in black America are entertainment moguls tasked with being as astute in the political arena as they are in concert arenas. Every individual decision a black celebrity makes is weighted with the responsibility of representation. There’s a long history in this country of black artists being used to quell protests or co-opt movements; the question is whether Jay-Z fully grasps what’s at stake. You can’t be critical of the status quo — and the NFL definitely represents the status quo in this country — if you’re working to uplift it. The new deal shouldn’t let the NFL off the hook for mishandling Kaepernick, and Roc Nation shouldn’t be taken as a proxy for the people, even if its work does ultimately benefit the people. It’s clear that Jay-Z knows his worth, but hip-hop’s first billionaire must learn to wield his power in ways that don’t undermine the efforts of activists putting in ground work.

If you haven’t seen The Mack in its entirety, the ending — spoiler alert — is a revelation. Despite competing worldviews about how to uplift the black community, Goldie and Olinka end up linking to defeat their common enemy: corrupt cops. Resolving the distance between capitalists and activists is easier to romanticize on the big screen, but the truth is hustlers, club owners and entertainers helped bankroll and bail out the leaders of the civil rights movement, too.

Instead of sitting with Roger Goodell at last week’s press conference, Jay-Z should have been sitting with Colin Kaepernick. Even if their methods are different, we needed to see Jay working to reconcile the NFL’s relationship with the player who spearheaded the fight for social justice on the field before working to repair the NFL’s reputation off the field.

If the brothers gonna work it out, they’ve gotta stick it to The Man together.

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Tales Of Corporate Painkiller Pushing: ‘The Death Rates Just Soared’

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimates that most new heroin addicts first became hooked on prescription painkillers, such as oxycodone, before graduating to heroin, which is cheaper.

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Nearly 2,000 cities, towns and counties across America are currently participating in a massive multidistrict civil lawsuit against the opioid industry for damages related to the abuse of prescription pain medication. The defendants in the suit include drug manufacturers like Mallinckrodt, wholesale distributors McKesson and Cardinal Health, and pharmacy chains CVS and Walgreens.

Evidence related to the lawsuit was initially sealed, but The Washington Post and the Charleston Gazette-Mail successfully sued to have it made public. Pulitzer Prize-winning Washington Post journalist Scott Higham says the evidence, which was released in July, includes sworn depositions and internal corporate emails that indicate the drug industry purposely shipped suspiciously large quantities of drugs without regard for how they were being used.

Higham says one sales director at the pharmaceutical manufacturer Mallinckrodt was jokingly called “ship, ship, ship” by colleagues because of the amount of oxycodone and hydrocodone he sold: “His bonus structure was tied to the amount of sales that he made,” Higham notes. “And that was a time when there was no secret about how many people were dying in places across the country, and the opioid epidemic was raging.”

Higham and his colleagues at the Post were also able to access data from the Drug Enforcement Agency that trace the path of some 76 billion opioid pain pills sold between 2006 and 2012. In analyzing the movement of those pills, they made a gruesome discovery.

“When you line up the CDC death [by overdose] database with the DEA’s database on opioid distribution, you see a clear correlation between the saturation of towns and cities and counties and the numbers of deaths,” Higham says. “A lot of these towns and cities, small cities and counties in places like Ohio and Pennsylvania have just been devastated. … The death rates just soared in those places where the pills were being dumped.”


Interview Highlights

On the picture emerging from recently unsealed DEA database

A lot of people thought they knew that their communities were being saturated by these opioids, but I don’t think they really knew the extent of the saturation, and who was responsible. So this database pulls the curtain back on that for the first time. We obtained data that goes from 2006 through 2012. So over that seven-year period … you can see exactly which manufacturers were responsible, which distributors were responsible, and which pharmacies were responsible. And we took that database and we turned it into a usable, public-facing database, so now anybody in the country can go onto our website and they can see exactly what happened in their communities. …

Dozens and dozens of local news organizations have done stories about their own communities — which companies flooded their communities with pills, which pharmacies were responsible for dispensing the most tablets of oxycodone and hydrocodone. Those are the two drugs that we looked at, because they are the most widely abused drugs by addicts and by drug dealers.

On the communities that were flooded with opioids

It’s just heartbreaking to see these once thriving communities. They’re almost like zombielands, where people are just walking around in a daze and picking through garbage cans and falling down, and overdosing in public parks and inside of cars and inside of streets and on street corners. It’s a very upsetting scene that’s happening. …

These communities need help — desperately need help. Their hospitals need help. Their foster care agencies need help — because so many parents have perished and their kids have no family or [are] being raised by grandparents. Police departments, paramedics, fire departments that used to fight fires all the time now are fighting against the opioid epidemic and carrying Narcan with them, which is an overdose reversal drug, and “Narcaning” people all day long.

On how drug distributors generated billions in revenue from the opioid epidemic

They’re making massive amounts of money. Many of them are Fortune 500 companies. In fact, the No. 1 drug distributor in America, McKesson Corp., is the fifth-largest company in the United States — fifth-largest of all companies in the United States — and it’s a company that most people have never heard of. And they are a huge, huge player in this world, and of the distributors that sent these drugs downstream they were No. 1. And they were followed by two other companies that a lot of folks probably have not heard of. One is called AmerisourceBergen and another is called Cardinal Health. … Together those three companies are the three biggest drug distributors in the United States. And they were followed by Walgreens, CVS and Walmart as the top six drug distributors in the United States.

On “pill mills” that popped up in Florida, where people could get opioids from corrupt doctors — and then resell them on the street

All of a sudden, all these drug dealers realize that there was another way to peddle these pills, and they began to open up these so-called pain management clinics, and most of them were in South Florida, heavily concentrated in Broward County, which is where Fort Lauderdale is. … These things … were basically storefront operations in strip malls where you had corrupt doctors and rogue pharmacists working hand in hand inside of a store. So on one side of the store you’d come in, you’d get a cursory examination, the doctor would write you a script. And you literally go next door and get it filled. And these places just became huge open-air drug markets. The parking lots were filled with people who were driving down from Kentucky and West Virginia and Ohio to pick up their prescriptions. And along the highway that goes up through Florida, I-75 and then also I-95, a lot of these storefronts began putting up billboards along the highway at exit ramps saying, “Pain management clinic, next exit.”

On the Justice Department’s history of fining drug companies instead of filing criminal charges

[Investigators at the DEA’s Office of Diversion Control] started to see a pattern, and it’s a pattern that they see that continues to this day, that there are people within the Justice Department who are not very aggressive when it comes to these cases. They feel that some of them are a little too close to the industry; that maybe some of the people in the Justice Department want to work for the industry one day, so they don’t go as hard against these companies as perhaps they should. … If you take a look at the revolving door between the Justice Department, the DEA and the drug industry, it’s a very impressive revolving door. You have dozens and dozens of high-ranking officials from the DEA and from the Justice Department who have crossed over to the other side and they’re now working directly for the industry or for law firms representing the industry. So if you’re a DEA investigator or a DEA lawyer or a Justice Department lawyer making $150,000 a year, you cross over and you can triple, quadruple your salary overnight.

Amy Salit and Seth Kelley produced and edited the audio of this interview. Bridget Bentz and Deborah Franklin adapted it for the Web.

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