August 14, 2019

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Jeffrey Epstein’s Former Business Associate: I Want To Assist Victims

Steven Hoffenberg was arrested by FBI agents in Arkansas in 1996, after regulators accused him of defrauding investors.

DANNY JOHNSTON/ASSOCIATED PRESS


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At 74, Steven Hoffenberg spends a lot of time reflecting on his long and checkered past, which included a lengthy prison sentence for running a Ponzi scheme.

Since last weekend, he says his thoughts have increasingly turned to the man he says conspired with him in that scheme — the notorious sex criminal Jeffrey Epstein, who was found dead in his cell at New York’s Metropolitan Correctional Center last Saturday.

“There’s so much going through my mind about me and Epstein. It’s a lifetime of errors. How do you correct a lifetime of errors?” Hoffenberg asks. He spoke to NPR from a hospital bed, where he was awaiting surgery.

Epstein is widely seen as someone who managed to dodge accountability for his actions. His 2006 arrest for sex crimes involving under-aged girls in Florida resulted in a plea deal that was widely seen as very lenient. Hoffenberg maintains that Epstein also got away with financial crimes.

During his lifetime, Epstein was known as a man who lived a life of opulence. He threw lavish parties for his rich and powerful friends at his many homes, which included one of the largest mansions in Manhattan and a private island in the Virgin Islands, where he ferried his friends on a private jet.

Hoffenberg says he was introduced to Epstein by a British business acquaintance in the 1980s, and they quickly became friends.

“He appeared to be brilliant, extraordinarily gifted and talented in convincing people to buy from him. And a criminal mastermind,” Hoffenberg says.

Hoffenberg hired him at the financial company he ran, Towers Financial. Epstein had a vast network of wealthy connections and helped Hoffenberg raise money on Wall Street.

“He knew many people in the brokerage business that sold securities and they gave him access to investors,” he recalls.

Together, the two men acquired the parent company of two Illinois insurance firms, and then used the money in a failed bid to acquire the troubled airliner Pan Am. They also drained hundreds of millions of investors’ dollars and Towers Financial eventually was forced into bankruptcy, Hoffenberg acknowledges.

“This was a criminal investment enterprise. So I’m not trying to state to you that there was a purpose that should be complimented,” he says.

Hoffenberg would plead guilty to mail fraud, tax evasion and obstruction of justice in 1995, and would eventually serve 18 years in prison.

Epstein was never charged in connection with the scheme, although Hoffenberg says he told federal prosecutors about his role.

“There’s no question that I told them. It makes no sense. Like his whole life makes sense. His death makes no sense,” Hoffenberg says.

Why Epstein escaped prosecution is something of a mystery. The federal prosecutor who handled the case, Dan Nardello, declined to comment, saying he never discusses cases he prosecuted.

Former prosecutor Amy Millard came into the case late, during sentencing, and says she remembers little about it after 25 years. But she says Hoffenberg appeared to be a less than trustworthy witness.

“I remember that at the point that I met him and had any dealings with I did not believe he was credible in his statements,” says Millard, who’s now in private practice at the law firm Clayman and Rosenberg.

Millard also remembers that Hoffenberg in the courtroom showed little sympathy for the many thousands of small investors who had lost money in the scheme.

“I remember that he was extraordinarily arrogant, not taking responsibility for what he had done and that there were a huge number of victims who were hurt by his behavior.”

Today Hoffenberg says he is eager to atone for what he did, and says he called some of the victims and urged them to sue Epstein to recoup some of their money.

One of the victims did file a class-action suit against Epstein last year, but the suit was withdrawn after his lawyers argued that the statute of limitations had passed on whatever crimes had been committed.

Hoffenberg says he’s still available to help the victims and would testify on their behalf.

“I’m the first one in the line to assist the victims,” he says. “At 74, I’d like to go to the pearly gates assisting the victims.”

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Why Antonio Brown Has Missed Most Of Training Camp With The Oakland Raiders

NPR’s Ailsa Chang speaks with The Athletic’s Lindsay Jones about Oakland Raiders receiver Antonio Brown and his off-season complications.



AILSA CHANG, HOST:

All right. The Oakland Raiders are the featured team this season on HBO’s NFL show “Hard Knocks.” And on last night’s episode, coach Jon Gruden kept repeating the same thing.

(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, “HARD KNOCKS”)

JON GRUDEN: Has anybody seen my friend Antonio Brown?

Let’s hope we get Antonio Brown. I mean, I’m concerned we’re missing time here.

And we hope Antonio is back here soon because he’s exciting to be around. I’m excited. I got some plays for him. I hope we can start calling them.

CHANG: Antonio Brown, the team’s new star wide receiver, has missed a bunch of Raiders training camp. In fact, he’s missed most of it. And to find out why, let’s bring in Lindsay Jones, who covers the NFL for The Athletic.

Hey, Lindsay. Welcome.

LINDSAY JONES: Hello. Thanks for having me.

CHANG: All right, can you just explain what all this drama is about behind Antonio Brown missing training camp?

JONES: Well, there’s been a lot of drama, and there’s multiple things at play here. But the first part is that before reporting to training camp, he was on vacation in France. And while he was there, he was working out. He had his trainer.

And one of the things he went to do to recover was he went to a cryotherapy chamber. That’s where you get really, really cold, and it’s supposed to help regenerate your muscles and make you feel better. And he ended up getting frostbite all over the bottom of his feet. So that was one thing that was at play is what’s going on with his feet.

CHANG: There’s more.

JONES: Yes, and it’s bizarre.

(LAUGHTER)

JONES: So the second thing that has happened is that he has decided that he wants to wear his old football helmet. And long story short is that a couple of years ago, the NFL banned a bunch of helmets, basically ones that were not certified anymore. They told all of the players – you know, all 2,000 players or more than that in the league that have played over these last couple years – and they said by the 2019 season, you have to be in one of these helmets that is approved.

CHANG: OK.

JONES: Last year, there were 32 players left in the league who were playing in one of the helmets that would no longer be approved. All of those players have moved on to a new helmet that is now legal and approved and certified and all this stuff, except for Antonio Brown.

CHANG: On the other side of this drama is Jon Gruden, who we just heard talking about Antonio Brown. Why is he responding like, oh, my God, this is the biggest deal ever that he has missed this much time at training camp? Like, tell us what is at stake.

JONES: So Antonio Brown is new to the Oakland Raiders. The Raiders traded for him after kind of a rocky end to Antonio Brown’s time in Pittsburgh, where they didn’t trade him because he’s not a good football player. In fact, it’s the exact opposite. I mean, he is one of the very best, but he’s kind of come with a lot of baggage. He’s kind of gotten a reputation of being difficult to deal with in the locker room. He’s had disagreements with teammates, with coaches.

And the fact is he’s only gone through half of the practice. So it’s a really big deal that he hasn’t participated because…

CHANG: Yeah.

JONES: He is going to be the focal point of that offense. And so I suppose the good news, and if you watched “Hard Knocks,” they snuck it in at the very end of the episode – Antonio Brown came back to training camp yesterday.

CHANG: OK, so does that mean this whole show is over and everything’s going to be just hunky-dory from now on?

JONES: Well, I don’t think this is over because with Antonio Brown, given what we’ve learned about him and his career, is that it’s never really over. There is always going to be some new level of drama that comes along with Antonio Brown.

CHANG: All right, sounds like we all got to stay tuned. That was Lindsay Jones. She covers the NFL for The Athletic. And she joined us at the airport.

Thanks so much, Lindsay.

JONES: Thank you for having me.

(SOUNDBITE OF ELKIN & NELSON SONG, “JIBARO PARTE II”)

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‘Cadillac Tax’ On Generous Health Plans May Be Headed For Repeal

The “Cadillac tax,” an enacted but not yet implemented part of the Affordable Care Act, is a 40% tax on the most generous employer-provided health insurance plans — those that cost more than $11,200 per year for an individual policy or $30,150 for family coverage.

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The politics of health care are changing. And one of the most controversial parts of the Affordable Care Act — the so-called “Cadillac tax” — may be about to change with it.

The Cadillac tax is a 40% tax on the most generous employer-provided health insurance plans — those that cost more than $11,200 per year for an individual policy or $30,150 for family coverage. It was a tax on employers and was supposed to take effect in 2018, but Congress has delayed implementation twice.

And the House, now controlled by Democrats, recently voted overwhelmingly — 419-6 — to repeal that part of the ACA entirely. A Senate companion bill is bipartisan and now has a total of 61 co-sponsors — more than enough to ensure passage.

The tax was always an unpopular and controversial part of the 2010 health law, because the expectation was that employers would cut benefits to avoid the tax. Still, ACA backers initially said the tax was necessary to help pay for the law’s nearly $1 trillion cost and help stem the use of what was seen as potentially unnecessary care.

In the ensuing years, however, public opinion has shifted decisively, as premiums and out-of-pocket costs for patients have soared. Now the biggest health issue is not how much the nation is spending on health care, but how much individuals are.

“Voters deeply care about health care, still,” says Heather Meade, a spokeswoman for the Alliance to Fight the 40, a coalition of business, labor and patient advocacy groups urging repeal of the Cadillac tax. “But it is about their own personal cost and their ability to afford health care.”

Stan Dorn, a senior fellow at Families USA, recently wrote in the journal Health Affairs that the backers of the ACA thought the tax was necessary to sell the law to people concerned about its price tag, and to cut back on overly generous benefits that could drive up health costs. But transitions in health care, such as the increasing use of high-deductible plans in the workplace, make that argument less compelling, he said.

“Nowadays, few observers would argue that [employer-sponsored insurance] gives most workers and their families excessive coverage,” he wrote.

The possibility that the tax might be implemented has been “casting a statutory shadow over 180 million Americans’ health plans, which we know, from HR administrators and employee reps in real life, has added pressure to shift coverage into higher-deductible plans,” says Rep. Joe Courtney, D-Conn. And that, he adds, “falls on the backs of working Americans.

Support or opposition to the Cadillac tax has never broken down cleanly along party lines. For example, economists from across the ideological spectrum supported its inclusion in the ACA, and many continue to endorse it.

“If people have insurance that pays for too much, they don’t have enough skin in the game. They may be too quick to seek professional medical care. They may too easily accede when physicians recommend superfluous tests and treatments,” wrote N. Gregory Mankiw, an economics adviser in the George W. Bush administration, and Lawrence Summers, an economic aide to President Barack Obama, in a 2015 column in The New York Times. “Such behavior can drive national health spending beyond what is necessary and desirable.”

At the same time, however, the tax has been bitterly opposed by organized labor, a key constituency for Democrats. “Many unions have been unable to bargain for higher wages, but they have been taking more generous health benefits, instead, for years,” says Robert Blendon, a professor at the Harvard School of Public Health who studies health and public opinion.

Now, unions say, those benefits are disappearing, while premiums, deductibles and other cost-sharing moves are rising as employers scramble to stay under the threshold for the impending tax.

“Employers are using the tax as justification to shift more costs to employees, raising costs for workers and their families,” said a letter to members of Congress from the Service Employees International Union in July.

Deductibles in health insurance plans have been rising for a number of reasons, the possibility of the tax among them. According to a 2018 survey by the federal government’s National Center for Health Statistics, nearly half of Americans under age 65 (47%) had high-deductible health plans. Those are plans that have deductibles of at least $1,350 for individual coverage or $2,700 for family coverage.

It’s not yet clear whether the Senate will take up the House-passed bill, or one like it.

The senators leading the charge in that chamber — Mike Rounds, R-S.D., and Martin Heinrich, D-N.M. — have already written to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell to urge him to bring the bill to the floor following the House’s overwhelming vote.

“At a time when health care expenses continue to go up, and Congress remains divided on many issues, the repeal of the Cadillac Tax is something that has true bipartisan support,” their letter said.

Still, there is opposition to repealing the tax. A letter to the Senate on July 29 from health care economists and others argued that implementing it, instead, would “help curtail the growth of private health insurance premiums by encouraging employers to limit the costs of plans to the tax-free amount.” That letter also pointed out that repealing the tax “would add directly to the federal budget deficit, an estimated $197 billion over the next decade, according to the Joint Committee on Taxation.”

If McConnell does bring the bill up, there is little doubt it will pass, despite support for the tax from economists and budget watchdogs.

“When employers and employees agree in lockstep that they hate it, there are not enough economists out there to outvote them,” says former Senate GOP aide Rodney Whitlock, now a health care consultant.

Harvard professor Blendon agrees. “Voters are saying, ‘We want you to lower our health costs,’ ” he says. The Cadillac tax, at least for those affected by it, would do the opposite.

Kaiser Health News is a nonprofit, editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation, and is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

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