January 21, 2019

No Image

An Insurance Crisis Is Quietly Growing For Football In America

Football is still king in America, but almost nobody wants to insure it. NPR’s Audie Cornish talks with ESPN’s Steve Fainaru about the growing crisis that could topple the U.S.’s most popular sport.



AUDIE CORNISH, HOST:

The NFL has, over the last decade, been rocked by lawsuits over traumatic brain injuries, allegations of player domestic violence off the field and rule changes of their own. But according to an ESPN investigation, the sport is facing a problem that could threaten its very survival – lack of insurance. The NFL no longer has general liability insurance covering head trauma. And only one carrier is willing to cover teams for workman’s comp. In short, if there’s no insurance, there’s no football. Steve Fainaru co-wrote the story with Mark Fainaru-Wada for ESPN’s Outside the Lines. He joins me now. Welcome to the program.

STEVE FAINARU: Thank you.

CORNISH: So help us understand right now what the NFL is dealing with when it comes to insurance.

FAINARU: It started with the resolution of the class-action suit against the NFL that was over concussions. You had thousands of former players that were accusing the league of covering up the link between football and neurodegenerative disease. The NFL settled that suit for an estimated $1 billion. And since then, the insurance industry has been taking a look at the litigation that’s been proliferating since then. And it’s hitting the sport at all levels – from Pop Warner all the way up to the league. And the result has been that many of the companies have just been taking a pass. They’ve been getting out of the industry. So if the league was sued under its general liability policy on this issue in the future, they’re on their own. They ultimately have to pay it.

CORNISH: It’s interesting. So, basically, no matter what the NFL says or anyone attempting to debate the science of what’s going on, insurers have made a call already, which is, like, they’re out.

FAINARU: Yeah, I think this is one of the things that is so striking about this issue – is that it’s a market issue. And so for all the issues that the NFL has been doing to try to mitigate this problem, to try to – putting money into the research and changing the rules – that the insurance industry is making its own judgments about where this is going. And I think that what they’re seeing is that there’s just still a tremendous amount of uncertainty. There’s been so much litigation that’s proliferated since the NFL settled the class-action suit in 2013 that it really gives the insurance industry pause. The NFL’s insurance broker, Alex Fairly, spoke with us. And he said bluntly that if you are football or other contact sports, the insurance industry basically doesn’t want you right now.

CORNISH: So your reporting shows that we’re already starting to see the impact of this – smaller programs shutting down because of insurance costs. Can you describe one or two stories that stuck out to you?

FAINARU: The problem is especially acute at the lower levels, at the nonrevenue-producing sports. So Pop Warner, for example, was told by its longtime insurer that it would no longer cover the organization for any neurological injury. And they found that there was only one company that was able to provide them that coverage. And the executive director of Pop Warner, Jon Butler, told us there’s only, really, two solutions for Pop Warner if they can’t get insurance. They either have to declare bankruptcy, or they go out of business.

So that would obviously pose incredible problems for the 250,000 youth players that are involved in Pop Warner. We followed a case in Maricopa County, Ariz., where a junior college district decided to eliminate football for four teams. They found that the cost of insuring 358 football players represented one-third of the entire costs of the 200,000 students that were in the system. And they decided that was just too much. And they had to get out of it.

CORNISH: In the long run, as more and more insurers get out and get out at the level you were talking about – Pop Warner – right? – people’s early introduction to playing the sport, could that have a long-term effect on football itself?

FAINARU: I think we’ll have to see. But I think it’s obvious – if you can’t get insurance with all the litigation that’s out there, it becomes essentially impossible to field a team. And so for youth sports in particular – and then when you get into the high-school level, there is an enormous amount of complexity around it. But it is sort of a basic thing – that if you can’t get insurance, it becomes very difficult to stage the sport.

CORNISH: Steve Fainaru reports for ESPN’s Outside the Lines. Thank you for sharing your reporting with us.

FAINARU: Thanks, Audie.

Copyright © 2019 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by Verb8tm, Inc., an NPR contractor, and produced using a proprietary transcription process developed with NPR. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.

Let’s block ads! (Why?)


No Image

Analysis: How The Rise Of The Far Right Threatens Democracy Worldwide

Jair Bolsonaro, Brazil’s new president, is among a wave of far-right leaders who have risen on the world stage. On Tuesday, Bolsonaro will headline the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.

Evaristo Sa/AFP/Getty Images


hide caption

toggle caption

Evaristo Sa/AFP/Getty Images

A new president is elected. Within days of being sworn in, he pulls his country out of a U.N. migration pact. His path to power has been pockmarked by disparaging comments about women, including a congresswoman. His preferred choice for top posts are members of the armed forces. When he appoints a fifth military official to his cabinet, he makes the announcement via Twitter, his favored means of communications.

Sound familiar?

These are the tactics of Brazil’s new president, Jair Bolsonaro, who was sworn in to office on Jan. 1, 2019.

On Tuesday, Bolsonaro will headline the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, an annual gathering that attracts heads of state — 65 of them this year — corporate CEOs and billionaire investors. Bolsonaro’s nationalistic rhetoric is in sharp contrast to a gathering that has long stood for globalization and has pushed to strengthen international ties.

His tactics may remind many of the American president’s. But it is actually symptomatic of a global wave that started almost a decade ago and has only strengthened in recent years. From Turkey and Hungary, to India and the Philippines, the voices of nationalism and the far right have become dominant forces that begin with the election of a charismatic, influential and powerful man.

Hungary, for instance, was once a leader in the drive for democracy in East Europe. But after strongman Viktor Orban rose to power as prime minister in 2010, Hungary’s democratic institutions have been dramatically weakened.

In his first year in office, Orban’s party amended the constitution 10 times. A wholly new constitution was put in place. It whittled down the power of courts, changed how elections are supervised and dramatically curbed media. New positions were created and filled with Orban allies. The moves have been broadly condemned, including by the European Parliament and the United States.

Orban is one of the strongest symbols of this shift. He was one of the first Western leaders to endorse Donald Trump and pursue friendly relations with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Last year, Orban won a third term in a landslide victory after pledging to create a “Christian homeland.”

Similarly, in the Philippines, President Rodrigo Duterte swept to power in 2016, promising to be tough on drug criminals. As he carried out that promise, it resulted in the deaths of thousands of alleged drug dealers across the country. Human rights groups say the innocent poor have borne the brunt of these killings. Duterte uses profanities with abandon, he has compared himself to Hitler and has insulted world leaders. He too wants to change the constitution in Philippines.

And Turkey, once a bastion of secularism, today is rife with religious conflict. Its leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan, president since 2014, has crushed dissent and jailed journalists. Last year, the government’s Directorate of Religious Affairs ordered all of Turkey’s nearly 90,000 mosques to broadcast a verse from the Koran through loudspeakers on their minarets. The move led Soner Cagaptay, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, to declare that Sharia is gradually taking over long-secular Turkey.

And then there’s India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi, leader of the world’s largest democracy. Under his Hindu nationalist party, the country has pursued laws that hurt the minority Muslim population. For instance, his party declared that eating beef is “against the idea of India.” This led to a ban in the sale of cows for slaughter. While beef is taboo for Hindus, it isn’t so for Muslims and the decree led to the closing of many slaughterhouses and meat shops, traditionally owned by Muslims in India.

The nationalist zeal has also led to curbing of charities operating in India. Tens of thousands of foreign-funded non-government organizations, like Greenpeace India, Ford Foundation and Amnesty International, were either put on notice or had their licenses revoked. Amnesty, which often accuses the Indian government of human rights violations, said a raid of its offices was aimed at silencing critics.

In Brazil, President Bolsonaro pushed forth an almost identical move after taking office earlier this month. He used an executive order that gave his government far-reaching and restrictive powers over non-governmental organizations working in Brazil.

Ultimately, it is moves like these that have global hackles rising for proponents of democratic values.

In almost each of these instances, the leaders have swept into power on a promise to accelerate economic growth and create new opportunities for those left behind by globalization. But the promises are often laced with undercurrents of nationalism that harp on race or religion and closing borders.

These leaders often have a strong base of support. And often they have a pro-business agenda, which stock markets cheer. The American stock market has been on a roller coaster — calmer now after a rough ride at the end of the year. But for many months after Trump’s election, investors gave the U.S. president a clear thumbs up. Brazil’s investors are doing the same, and Bolsonaro has tweeted about it.

Last year, Trump told the crowd at Davos: “I’m here to deliver a simple message: There has never been a better time to hire, to build, to invest and to grow in the United States. America is open for business.” Bolsonaro will likely echo the same sentiments.

Trump also said: “America First does not mean America alone.” Undoubtedly, Bolsonaro believes in Brazil First. And Orban in Hungary First. Likewise, Erdogan for Turkey and Modi for India. But if it is everyone for himself, and keep the others out, who really wins?

Pallavi Gogoi is NPR’s chief business editor.

Let’s block ads! (Why?)