October 4, 2017

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Today in Movie Culture: Which Cut of 'Blade Runner' to Watch, the Many Transformations of Jared Leto and More

Here are a bunch of little bites to satisfy your hunger for movie culture:

Movie Guide of the Day:

Want to catch the original Blade Runner before seeing Blade Runner 2049 this weekend but don’t know which cut to watch? Slate offers a visual explainer:

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Movie Trivia of the Day:

And if you want more information about the original Blade Runner, here’s CineFix with a bunch of things you might know about the 1982 sci-fi classic:

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Filmmaker in Focus:

Blade Runner 2049 director Denis Villeneuve seems to like shooting through windows as evidenced in this compilation by editor Mikolaj Kacprzak:

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Actor in the Spotlight:

For Fandor, Jacob T. Swinney showcases the many transofrmatoins of Blade Runner 2049 co-star Jared Leto:

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Vintage Image of the Day:

Buster Keaton, who was born on this day in 1895, with Gloria Swanson on the set of 1950’s Sunset Boulevard:

Mashup of the Day:

Deadpool crashes the Justice League party in this fake one sheet made by BossLogic in the style of the DC movie’s character posters:

The final member #justiceleague@VancityReynoldspic.twitter.com/h8DG17sA9P

— BossLogic (@Bosslogic) October 3, 2017

Movie Comparison of the Day:

Speaking of DC movies, Couch Tomato shows 24 reasons why the new Power Rangers was basically a remake of Man of Steel:

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Cosplay of the Day:

They’re gender-swapping all kinds of movie roles lately for remakes, so why not reboot Harry Potter with this fan in the lead?

Harriette Potter ?? I’d like to get a cosplay crew for this! pic.twitter.com/OGNWBbBUPQ

— Bunny Ayumi ?? (@BunnyAyu) October 4, 2017

Custom Car of the Day:

Speaking of cosplay, here’s a Fiat van cosplaying as one of the vehicles from Jurassic Park, and it’s up for auction on eBay:

Custom Painted Jurassic Park Fiat Van For Sale On eBay https://t.co/GjCWLr6Wodpic.twitter.com/EiAlNqXEW7

— Geekologie (@geekologie) October 3, 2017

Classic Trailer of the Day:

Today is the 15th anniversary of the release of the Russo brothers’ Welcome to Collinwood. Watch the original trailer for their pre-Marvel feature debut below.

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California Bill Would Compel Drugmakers To Justify Price Hikes

Drug lobbyists and consumer health advocates fill the halls of the state Capitol in September to see how Assembly members vote on a controversial drug price transparency bill.

Tam Ma/Courtesy of Health Access California

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Tam Ma/Courtesy of Health Access California

Insurers, hospitals and health advocates are waiting for Gov. Jerry Brown to deal the drug lobby a rare defeat, by signing legislation that would force pharmaceutical companies to justify big price hikes on drugs in California.

“If it gets signed by this governor, it’s going to send shock waves throughout the country,” said state Sen. Ed Hernandez, a Democrat from West Covina, the bill’s author and an optometrist. “A lot of other states have the same concerns we have, and you’re going to see other states try to emulate what we did.”

The bill would require drug companies to give California 60 days’ notice anytime they plan to raise the price of a drug by 16 percent or more over two years. They would also have to explain why the increases are necessary. In addition, health insurers would have to report what percentage of premium increases are caused by drug spending.

Drugmakers have spent $16.8 million on lobbying since January 2015 to kill an array of drug legislation in California, according to data from the Secretary of State’s Office. The industry has hired 45 lobbyists or firms to fight the price transparency bill alone. Against the backdrop of this opposition campaign, Brown must decide by Oct. 15 whether to sign or veto the bill.

This is the second go-round for this drug price bill. Last summer, the same legislation crashed and burned. Its intended regulations were gutted so extensively that Hernandez decided to pull it. But, he said, two key things happened after that, stetting the stage for a successful second attempt.

First, in August 2016, less than a week after Hernandez pulled the bill, a firestorm of controversy erupted nationally over the price of EpiPens spiking nearly 500 percent. The increase sparked outrage from parents who carry the auto-injectors to save their children from life-threatening allergic reactions.

Momentum grew among federal lawmakers last September to do something. They called for hearings. Several proposed bills aimed to reign in drug prices across the country.

But then, the election of November 2016 disrupted all order of health care business in Washington. After Donald Trump was elected and Republicans took control of Congress, the number one health policy priority became repealing and replacing the Affordable Care Act.

As federal lawmakers focused on dismantling the ACA, Hernandez said he saw another opportunity for state lawmakers to act on drug prices. He reintroduced his bill in early 2017, and this time political support grew quickly, beyond the usual suspects.

“It wasn’t just labor,” he recalls. “It was consumer groups, it was health plans. It was the Chambers of Commerce, it was the hospital association.”

Hernandez is optimistic the governor will sign SB 17 into law. But he knows nothing’s certain. That’s because of what happened on Sept. 11, the day the bill came up for a key vote in the state Assembly — the same place it went down the year before. Hernandez thought he’d secured all the votes he needed, but at the last minute the votes started slipping away.

The bill needed 41 votes to pass the Assembly. During the roll call, the tally stalled around 35. Hernandez said he had plenty of colleagues willing to cast the 42nd vote, but with drug lobbyists swarming the Capitol, no legislators wanted to be the one to cast the deciding vote.

“If the bill fails and you’re stuck out there, then you’re the person that’s attacking the industry,” Hernandez says.

But, the bill crossed the 41-vote threshold and the remaining lawmakers joined in. In the end, the bill passed with 66 votes. All the Democrats and half the Republicans in the state Assembly voted for it.

This was much to the dismay of drug companies, which lobbied hard and issued a blitz of advertising in the last weeks before the vote.

The Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, or PhRMA, a drug industry’s trade group, argued that SB 17 was full of “false promises” that wouldn’t help consumers pay for their medicines, and would instead stifle innovation with cumbersome regulatory compliance.

“That takes up a lot of resources and will take up a lot of time,” says Priscilla VanderVeer, deputy vice president of public affairs for PhRMA. “And that could mean pulling resources from research and development and having to put it into the reporting structure.”

Experts say the drug industry doesn’t want a large influential state like California forcing them to share their data.

“When they have to justify in California, de facto, they have to justify it to the other 49 states,” says Gerard Anderson, a health policy professor at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health in Baltimore. “Other states essentially get to piggyback on the good efforts of California, and hopefully, because they might have difficulty justifying the price increases, everybody’s prices around the country will be lower.”

Other states, including Maryland, Vermont, Nevada and New York, have passed similar laws aimed at bringing more transparency to prices and curbing price gouging. But the pharmaceutical industry has fought the hardest in California. If drug companies don’t like the disclosure laws in smaller states, they could decide not to sell their drugs there, Anderson says, but the market in California is just too big to ignore.

“States like Maryland are just not as powerful,” he says. “It just doesn’t have the clout that a state like California has.”

But drugmakers are likely already devising ways to work around the California bill, Anderson warns. They’ve filed lawsuits to try to slow or stop laws from being implemented in other states, or to weaken the rules if and when they go into effect. Policy experts are watching to see what kinds of legal challenges the California law might be vulnerable to, and if it can withstand them.

“We learn from the mistakes of other states,” Anderson says. “Legislation is an iterative process. We have 50 states and hopefully, by some time, we’ll get it right. We’re looking for California to take the lead on this.”

This story is part of a reporting partnership with NPR, KQED and Kaiser Health News.

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California Bill Would Compel Drugmakers To Justify Price Hikes

Drug lobbyists and consumer health advocates fill the halls of the state Capitol in September to see how Assembly members vote on a controversial drug price transparency bill.

Tam Ma/Courtesy of Health Access California

hide caption

toggle caption

Tam Ma/Courtesy of Health Access California

Insurers, hospitals and health advocates are waiting for Gov. Jerry Brown to deal the drug lobby a rare defeat, by signing legislation that would force pharmaceutical companies to justify big price hikes on drugs in California.

“If it gets signed by this governor, it’s going to send shock waves throughout the country,” said state Sen. Ed Hernandez, a Democrat from West Covina, the bill’s author and an optometrist. “A lot of other states have the same concerns we have, and you’re going to see other states try to emulate what we did.”

The bill would require drug companies to give California 60 days’ notice anytime they plan to raise the price of a drug by 16 percent or more over two years. They would also have to explain why the increases are necessary. In addition, health insurers would have to report what percentage of premium increases are caused by drug spending.

Drugmakers have spent $16.8 million on lobbying since January 2015 to kill an array of drug legislation in California, according to data from the Secretary of State’s Office. The industry has hired 45 lobbyists or firms to fight the price transparency bill alone. Against the backdrop of this opposition campaign, Brown must decide by Oct. 15 whether to sign or veto the bill.

This is the second go-round for this drug price bill. Last summer, the same legislation crashed and burned. Its intended regulations were gutted so extensively that Hernandez decided to pull it. But, he said, two key things happened after that, stetting the stage for a successful second attempt.

First, in August 2016, less than a week after Hernandez pulled the bill, a firestorm of controversy erupted nationally over the price of EpiPens spiking nearly 500 percent. The increase sparked outrage from parents who carry the auto-injectors to save their children from life-threatening allergic reactions.

Momentum grew among federal lawmakers last September to do something. They called for hearings. Several proposed bills aimed to reign in drug prices across the country.

But then, the election of November 2016 disrupted all order of health care business in Washington. After Donald Trump was elected and Republicans took control of Congress, the number one health policy priority became repealing and replacing the Affordable Care Act.

As federal lawmakers focused on dismantling the ACA, Hernandez said he saw another opportunity for state lawmakers to act on drug prices. He reintroduced his bill in early 2017, and this time political support grew quickly, beyond the usual suspects.

“It wasn’t just labor,” he recalls. “It was consumer groups, it was health plans. It was the Chambers of Commerce, it was the hospital association.”

Hernandez is optimistic the governor will sign SB 17 into law. But he knows nothing’s certain. That’s because of what happened on Sept. 11, the day the bill came up for a key vote in the state Assembly — the same place it went down the year before. Hernandez thought he’d secured all the votes he needed, but at the last minute the votes started slipping away.

The bill needed 41 votes to pass the Assembly. During the roll call, the tally stalled around 35. Hernandez said he had plenty of colleagues willing to cast the 42nd vote, but with drug lobbyists swarming the Capitol, no legislators wanted to be the one to cast the deciding vote.

“If the bill fails and you’re stuck out there, then you’re the person that’s attacking the industry,” Hernandez says.

But, the bill crossed the 41-vote threshold and the remaining lawmakers joined in. In the end, the bill passed with 66 votes. All the Democrats and half the Republicans in the state Assembly voted for it.

This was much to the dismay of drug companies, which lobbied hard and issued a blitz of advertising in the last weeks before the vote.

The Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, or PhRMA, a drug industry’s trade group, argued that SB 17 was full of “false promises” that wouldn’t help consumers pay for their medicines, and would instead stifle innovation with cumbersome regulatory compliance.

“That takes up a lot of resources and will take up a lot of time,” says Priscilla VanderVeer, deputy vice president of public affairs for PhRMA. “And that could mean pulling resources from research and development and having to put it into the reporting structure.”

Experts say the drug industry doesn’t want a large influential state like California forcing them to share their data.

“When they have to justify in California, de facto, they have to justify it to the other 49 states,” says Gerard Anderson, a health policy professor at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health in Baltimore. “Other states essentially get to piggyback on the good efforts of California, and hopefully, because they might have difficulty justifying the price increases, everybody’s prices around the country will be lower.”

Other states, including Maryland, Vermont, Nevada and New York, have passed similar laws aimed at bringing more transparency to prices and curbing price gouging. But the pharmaceutical industry has fought the hardest in California. If drug companies don’t like the disclosure laws in smaller states, they could decide not to sell their drugs there, Anderson says, but the market in California is just too big to ignore.

“States like Maryland are just not as powerful,” he says. “It just doesn’t have the clout that a state like California has.”

But drugmakers are likely already devising ways to work around the California bill, Anderson warns. They’ve filed lawsuits to try to slow or stop laws from being implemented in other states, or to weaken the rules if and when they go into effect. Policy experts are watching to see what kinds of legal challenges the California law might be vulnerable to, and if it can withstand them.

“We learn from the mistakes of other states,” Anderson says. “Legislation is an iterative process. We have 50 states and hopefully, by some time, we’ll get it right. We’re looking for California to take the lead on this.”

This story is part of a reporting partnership with NPR, KQED and Kaiser Health News.

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Many Americans Side With President Trump On NFL Anthem Protests

The Washington, D.C., football team stands at attention while linked in arms during the national anthem before Monday night’s game against the Kansas City Chiefs at Arrowhead Stadium in Kansas City, Mo.

Jamie Squire/Getty Images

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Jamie Squire/Getty Images

The political debate surrounding national anthem protests at National Football League games intensified this week after players declined to stand during the playing of “The Star-Spangled Banner” after the mass shootings in Las Vegas.

Before the Monday Night Football game between the NFL franchises in Kansas City and Washington D.C., two Kansas City players sat on the bench during the playing of the anthem, while all of the Washington players stood with their arms locked.

The controversy started last season when former San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick chose to kneel during the anthem to protest what he described as injustices faced by people of color, particularly at the hands of police officers. Last month, the issue resurfaced with greater urgency when President Trump condemned players who refused to stand for the anthem. He later called for fans to boycott NFL games unless team owners stopped the protests.

Some players, coaches and team owners criticized the president, characterizing his rhetoric as divisive. Former NFL player and NASA astronaut Leland Melvin called Trump’s comments “boorish and disgusting” in a letter posted on Facebook. Last week, he told Here & Now’s Robin Young that Trump’s remarks about NFL players “incensed” him.

“I really think that, when the announcer in the stadium says, ‘Rise to honor our veterans,’ by no means is [Colin] Kaepernick, or anyone taking a knee, in any way wanting to dishonor the service of police officers, or people who are fighting in our wars,” Melvin says, “but it’s an injustice that’s happening in our streets, it’s an inequality, it’s things that have been stemmed from slavery and the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, all of these foundational documents that define our democracy. That’s what matters.”

But a sizable portion of those surveyed disagree, says Diane Hessan, founder of C-Space, a market research company. Among the 400 voters participating in a study she began last December, more than 40 percent supported the president on the NFL protests.

Hessan tells Young that for many who disapprove of these protests, it comes down to “plain patriotism.” She says their views highlight the collision of politics with what many see as the escapism of sports and the cherished ritual of the national anthem.

“One is the ritual of sports and how that’s for many people a sacred place where you root for your team; but people of all political persuasions root for their team,” Hessan says. “The other ritual, though, is the playing of the national anthem, everyone standing up, and the dignified, expected, comforting routine that that symbolizes.”

Hessan says people in her study used words like “despicable” and “a disgrace” to describe the Ravens-Jaguars game in London, where players sat down for the national anthem but stood for “God Save The Queen.” She says many decried those actions as making “a mockery of our nation.”

Many respondents also cited the hypocrisy of NFL officials who haven’t stopped these demonstrations but banned other displays of activism, such as when the Dallas Cowboys wanted to support the Dallas police officers killed in July 2016.

“So the question, really the hypocrisy, is why did [NFL Commissioner] Roger Goodell say it was OK for players to take a knee, but not OK for players to wear a fairly benign decal supporting Dallas police in the aftermath of a shooting last July?” Hessan says.

Lastly, Hessan says many who support Trump on this issue also said they feel liberals celebrate free speech but not when it is conservatives who are speaking. She argues Trump is using the NFL protests to turn the electorate against a group of people perceived as being part of the elite; in this case, football fans versus football players.

“My perspective on this is Trump is dumb like a fox when it comes to this particular issue,” Hessan says. “He knows that if he stokes this racist issue — if he stokes anything related to identity politics — that the Democrats will jump onto it, it’s almost like a trap, and then all of a sudden, we’ve got a week of people screaming and yelling about civil rights.”

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