March 24, 2017

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The Pregame PB&J: How The Comfort Food Became The NBA's Recipe For Success

The league-wide’s secret recipe to success is out: The NBA and the PB&J go together like, well …

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It’s hardly unusual for athletes, both amateur and professional, to have pregame rituals. But the NBA’s peculiar commitment to one grade-school snack goes deep: ESPN Magazine calls the PB&J sandwich the league’s “secret addiction.”

“In every NBA locker room, you’ll see a variety of different foods on the table, but PB&J — if there’s a locker room that doesn’t have it, I haven’t seen it,” ESPN reporter Baxter Holmes tells Scott Simon.

In this week’s ESPN Magazine, Holmes dug into how a first-grader’s lunch ended up as a locker room staple for professional basketballers.

The origin of the sandwich’s league-wide residence traces back to a 2007-2008 season Boston Celtics anecdote.

Former star Kevin Garnett, who’s hailed for revolutionizing the league’s pregame diet, fatefully “decreed one day when he was hungry — after a fellow teammate likewise said he was hungry — and wanted a PB&J — that, ‘Let’s get on that,’ ” Holmes says.

And, because Garnett played well that game: “We’re going to need PB&J in here every game now.”

“It spread from there,” Holmes says. “And that’s not to say that peanut butter jellies haven’t been consumed by athletes for a long time, but I’m certainly talking about on a mass-produced scale.”

But in the NBA, where a player’s body isn’t just a temple, but a corporation, it’s not the healthiest snack. So why PB&J?

In short, it’s a quick, easy-to-make comfort food that lifts players’ mentality. And, as busy as the athletes are, with “41 road games a year — they could have poor travel, they could not be feeling well, traffic,” Holmes says, they crave something familiar and easily digestible.

Cro-Magnon might not have taken his first step in search of a peanut butter and jelly sandwich, but, Holmes says, “all these components that he was looking for are contained within, it’s one of those magical foods in that way and because of it, the mental health benefits are what a lot of experts around the NBA say is actually one of its biggest benefit, just in simply, the opioids are released. It’s calming players down, making them happy. … There are some healthy fats and proteins and that gives them a little bit of energy. But the mental side of things, I mean, it truly is a comfort food.”

And these athletes aren’t scarfing down your average PB&J. Within the league, a number of players are known for their preferences.

“Russell Westbrook likes to butter the inside of the bread and then put peanut butter on it after it’s toasted,” Holmes relays. Carmelo Anthony likes his on a cinnamon raisin bagel.Latvian-born Knicks player Kristaps Porzingis hadn’t heard of a PB&J until he was drafted. “I fell in love,” he toldThe Wall Street Journal. “I grew up on PB&J’s as a kid — it fueled me,” Kevin Durant told Nike, amid a sneaker collaboration inspired by the star player’s penchant. “Actually, PB&J is still my go-to snack.”

The NBA’s culinary obsession has even permeated fashion: Nike created the KD 6 PB&J Colorways (left), inspired by Golden State Warriors’ Kevin Durant’s favorite snack, before releasing the KD 7 PB&J’s (right), designed for youth athletes.

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Interview Highlights

On whether different teams have different PB&J traditions

Certainly. So much depends on location, preferences of certain players. The Lakers have theirs catered by Whole Foods, the San Antonio Spurs have theirs catered by HEB Central Market which they have a partnership with in San Antonio. You go up to Portland: Half of their peanut butter and jelly sandwich order is toasted because the star player Damian Lillard likes them that way. You go up to Milwaukee and they’re kind of one of the more interesting operations in the NBA. They do a PB&J buffet before the games, but the variety of nut butters and Nutella, all kinds of jams and jellies, different kinds of bread — they do peanut butter and jelly shakes, peanut butter and jelly oatmeal, waffles.

On whether the PB&J is a nutritional choice

Nutritionists I’ve talked to said it’s not the healthiest snack, but it is healthier than, say, greasy junk food that they might get in arena concessions — fried food, hamburgers, whatever the case may be — particularly if there’s just a little bit of hunger before a game. And then you dive a little bit into the science of it, and peanut butter and jelly is comprised of various components that humans enjoy, dating back to basically the Neanderthals when they were craving certain things for survival. Different kinds of fats and proteins and starches and what not, and this marriage of all these essential components are combined into PB&J. So when you ingest one, when you bite into one, these varied opioids are released. You’re happy, most people kind of recognize that.

On the Golden State Warriors’ PB&J ban that kick-started the “Great PB&J War of 2015

They hired a sports scientist from Australia who wasn’t familiar with the peanut butter and jelly fad in the NBA. And he wanted to do away with a lot of unhealthy foods like candies and sodas, cookies, but he included peanut butter and jelly in that umbrella. And when the team got on the team plane for their first flight of the year, they saw it was gone and that was the first shot fired in what became a peanut butter and jelly war between him and the players. Eventually they got them back and he is no longer employed by the team.

On the Cleveland Cavaliers’ practice of keeping the good stuff to themselves

If you go around the NBA, you’re going to find all these little quirks all over the place when it comes to the peanut butter and jelly. But so they have a partnership with a fellow Ohio-based outfit in Smucker’s and they provide about a dozen of the company’s prepackaged “Uncrustables” PB&J’s to opposing teams every night, even though there are a few teams that have told me they try to keep their players away from those because they’re not very healthy.

Meanwhile, the Cavs make their own artisanal PB&J’s prior to tipoff with homemade grape and raspberry jelly, almond butter and banana, and peanut butter and banana sandwiches. So they give the opposing teams one thing and they make themselves something completely different.

Well there’s a whole new insight into how they were able to defeat Golden State in the last few seconds, of course which opens — what kind of PB&J does LeBron have?

I’m not particularly sure on his exact likes, but, I say this with feeling pretty confident, whatever it is that they’re making, I’m sure he likes. I mean you have to remember around the NBA — and I mentioned it earlier with the Portland Trailblazers — if a player who’s a star on that team has a particular preference, whether it’s crust or no crust, a certain kind of bread, a certain kind of jelly, nut butter, whatever the case may be — I guarantee you that that team is going to accommodate it, and that that’s probably going to be the key reason why they make whatever it is they make.

NPR’s Emma Bowman contributed to this story. More importantly, she takes her PB&J with raspberry jam, in between creamy peanut butter on both bread slices a la Lakers’ Brandon Ingram.

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Best of the Week: New Young Han Solo Movie Details, 'Justice League' Teased, Another 'Spider-Man' Spinoff and More


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Trump Warns In 'Art Of The Deal': 'Deliver The Goods' Or Lose In A 'Landslide'

Donald Trump holds up his book The Art of the Deal at a campaign stop in November 2015 in Birmingham, Ala.

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The negotiator-in-chief couldn’t seal the deal.

President Trump, the former businessman who has never been shy about touting his negotiating skills, has for several weeks been involved in a high-profile negotiation and persuasion effort with members of his own party in an effort to pass the American Health Care Act.

That effort failed.

But this is how Trump sold himself.

“All those politicians in Washington, and not one good negotiator,” he bemoaned in August 2011. It was the day after then-President Obama and congressional Republicans struck a deal over raising the debt ceiling in a high-stakes negotiation.

All those politicians in Washington and not one good negotiator.

— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) August 3, 2011

A year and a half later, he offered, “If the Republicans need a chief negotiator I am always available.”

If the Republicans need a chief negotiator I am always available–or can recommend some really good ones!

— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) January 22, 2013

In his 1987 book, Trump: The Art of The Deal, the president and his co-author Tony Schwartz wrote about how Trump approaches negotiations. In Chapter 2, Trump describes “The Elements of the Deal,” with sections like “Think Big,” “Enhance Your Location” and “Contain the Costs.”

Here are a few excerpts that seem newly relevant in light of the health care bill’s failure:

“Deliver the Goods”

“You can’t con people, at least not for long. You can create excitement, you can do wonderful promotion and get all kinds of press, and you can throw in a little hyperbole. But if you don’t deliver the goods, people will eventually catch on … I’d never understood how Jimmy Carter became president. The answer is that as poorly qualified as he was for the job, Jimmy Carter had the nerve, the guts, the balls, to ask for something extraordinary. That ability above all helped him get elected president. But, then, of course, the American people caught on pretty quickly that Carter couldn’t do the job, and he lost in a landslide when he ran for reelection.”

This is what you might call a cautionary tale. Trump is only two months into his presidency. He has time to start delivering the goods. But at the moment, many of his biggest promises remain unfulfilled or stalled. He promised to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act way back in 2011, when he was contemplating a run for president, and he promised it throughout his successful 2016 campaign. Now it remains the “law of the land,” as House Speaker Paul Ryan put it on Friday.

Trump says he plans to move on to tax reform — something people on both sides of the aisle say will be an incredibly heavy lift. It’s been 30 years since Congress last found consensus to rewrite the tax code, and there have been numerous failed attempts since.

“Maximize Your Options”

“I also protect myself by being flexible. I never get too attached to one deal or one approach.”

Trump is known to be ideologically flexible. Some have argued it is an asset. In the case of the health care bill, it may have been a liability. His decision to move in the direction of conservative House Freedom Caucus members made the bill unpalatable for moderate Republicans, and even for some not-so-moderate representatives.

“Know Your Market”

“I’m a great believer in asking everyone for an opinion before I make a decision. It’s a natural reflex.”

House Republicans praised Trump for listening to their concerns. Even as recently as early this week, representatives left meetings with Trump saying he had heard them out. But listening is not the same thing as closing a deal.

“Protect the Downside and the Upside Will Take Care of Itself”

“It’s been said I believe in the power of positive thinking. In fact, I believe in the power of negative thinking. I happen to be very conservative in business. I always go into the deal anticipating the worst. If you plan for the worst — if you can live with the worst — the good will always take care of itself.”

Maybe that’s what Trump was doing on Jan. 4 as congressional Republicans gathered to discuss their agenda for the year ahead. Vice President-elect Mike Pence was in the room giving House Republicans a pep talk, while Trump sent out three tweets warning Republicans to “be careful” with health care. This was before Trump took the oath of office and before the American Health Care Act was even introduced.

Republicans must be careful in that the Dems own the failed ObamaCare disaster, with its poor coverage and massive premium increases……

— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) January 4, 2017

like the 116% hike in Arizona. Also, deductibles are so high that it is practically useless. Don’t let the Schumer clowns out of this web…

— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) January 4, 2017

massive increases of ObamaCare will take place this year and Dems are to blame for the mess. It will fall of its own weight – be careful!

— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) January 4, 2017

Trump has spent almost as much time talking about the idea of letting Obamacare fail as promoting the legislation, potentially sending mixed messages to congressional Republicans, whose jobs could be on the line and whose constituents would be personally affected by the changes.

“The chaos that Obamacare has created and for which congressional Democrats — and you see that — are alone responsible for requires swift action,” Trump said in a Feb. 27 meeting with health care executives at the White House. “I actually told the Republicans that if we did nothing, just did nothing for a two-year period, let Obamacare totally implode — which it’s doing right now anyway — that would be from a political standpoint the best thing we could do.”

He repeated that talking point again in brief remarks in the Oval Office on Friday, after deciding to pull the bill.

At times it has seemed as though the president wasn’t completely invested in the legislation, even as he said he was 100 percent behind the bill.

“Use Your Leverage”

“The worst thing you can possibly to in a deal is seem desperate to make it. … In other words, you have to convince the other guy it’s in his interest to make a deal.”

Thursday night, Trump sent a message to members of his own party that he was done negotiating. Budget Director Mick Mulvaney told lawmakers that the president wanted a vote and would move on, leaving the Affordable Care Act in place if it failed. He argued their failure to vote would be a political disaster after they had spent years campaigning on the message of repealing and replacing the law. Trump was essentially walking away from the table and arguing that passing the bill was more important to members of Congress than it was to him.

They called his bluff. As the day went on Friday, it became increasingly clear the bill would fail as lawmakers who previously had been undecided said they would vote no.

“Fight Back”

“Much as it pays to emphasize the positive, there are times when the only choice is confrontation. In most cases I’m very easy to get along with. I’m very good to people who are good to me. But when people treat me badly or unfairly or try to take advantage of me, my general attitude, all my life, has been to fight back very hard.”

During the campaign, Trump described himself as a counter-puncher. Will he punch back at congressional Republicans who didn’t support the health care bill? He was asked if he feels betrayed by members of the Freedom Caucus, who negotiated concessions from him before ultimately saying they still couldn’t support the bill. “I’m not betrayed,” Trump said. “They’re friends of mine. I’m disappointed because we could’ve had it. So I’m disappointed. I’m a little surprised, I could tell you.”

Trump doesn’t quickly forget. We’ll know how he really feels when he starts tweeting, or starts backing non-incumbents in Republican primaries.

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Health Care Bill Collapses After Republicans Fail To Garner Enough Support

Republicans pulled their health care bill on Friday after failing to secure enough votes for it to pass in the House. In a statement, President Trump said he wanted to move onto tax reform.

KELLY MCEVERS, HOST:

And now we’re back with NPR’s congressional correspondent, Sue Davis. Hi there again.

SUSAN DAVIS, BYLINE: Hey there.

MCEVERS: And we have White House correspondent Scott Horsley also. Hi, Scott.

SCOTT HORSLEY, BYLINE: Hi.

MCEVERS: So, Scott, we’ll start with you. I mean, usually when congressional leaders are in a tough spot like this, they keep negotiating. I mean, we just heard this from Congressman Kelly. You know, if you’re close, keep working on it. But President Trump did not want to do that. He wanted to, say, push a vote and move on. Why?

HORSLEY: That’s right. He was really responsible for this standoff this afternoon. And Trump fancies himself a good negotiator. Part of the art of deal making, he would say, is knowing when to walk away. So yes, during the last two and a half weeks, he had a lot of meetings. He made a lot of phone calls trying to sell this bill.

But by now, he said it was, you know, sort of time to cut bait. In conceding defeat at the White House this afternoon, Trump said he had long imagined a different strategy. Here’s what he had to say.

(SOUNDBITE OF PRESS CONFERENCE)

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I worked as a team player and would have loved to have seen it pass. But again, I think you know I was very clear because I think there wasn’t a speech I made or very few where I didn’t mention that perhaps the best thing that could happen is exactly what happened today.

HORSLEY: Republicans have long argued and campaigned on the idea that Obamacare is collapsing on its own.

MCEVERS: Right.

HORSLEY: And that’s sort of where Trump is today. But polls suggest voters aren’t buying that. You know, we have the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office which says Obamacare is not in a death spiral. We have seen some rising premiums, but they’re really only back to about where the forecasters expected them to be.

There are places where there’s not much choice. But most Americans still have three or more insurance companies to choose from. And premiums, for those of us who get insurance from our employers, have been rising at a much more slow rate than they were before the Affordable Care Act passed.

MCEVERS: We just heard the president say, you know, perhaps this was the best thing all along. I’ve been saying that, you know, that this is the best thing that could have happened. And politically speaking, Sue, I mean, he’s been saying this. Does this mean he’s wanting to undercut Speaker Paul Ryan and this bill of his?

DAVIS: Well, that – what he said publicly is directly what contradicts what the president told Republicans when he was on Capitol Hill on Tuesday. In a closed-door meeting, he told Republicans that he thought if they failed at this, that they would put their congressional majorities at risk next year in the midterm elections.

House Speaker Paul Ryan had said prior to the failure today that he believed doing nothing was more politically dangerous than trying to advance a repeal or replacement bill. So yes, there are absolutely political consequences to this. We just don’t know what they’re going to be yet. But we do know that Republicans, every Republican who ran for the House and Senate and White House last year, ran on a promise to do this.

Now, there is a debate over whether it was the right thing to do and the merits of the policy. But this is what they promised voters. And this is what they won an election on. And they failed to meet that promise. And there may be consequences for that.

MCEVERS: And, Sue, the president says he wants to move on to other things like tax reform. That’s obviously something that has to go through Congress. Is that the plan? And how likely is it that there will be cohesion in the Republican Party on that?

DAVIS: You know, that is the plan. But remember that the health care equation was supposed to be the easy part of this.

MCEVERS: Right.

DAVIS: If I told you I couldn’t finish a 5K today but I’m going to run a marathon this weekend, you might have reason to be skeptical.

MCEVERS: No, I’d believe you.

DAVIS: So yes, the president – and the president has said that tax reform is a bigger priority for him, that he’s ready to dig in, that he wants to do this. But, you know, political capital gets spent in this town. And they put a lot of political capital into this promise. And they failed.

So they are going into the tax reform fight hobbled. And I would say that there is less consensus on what tax reform would look like. There’s more opposition to it from lobbying forces. And they face the same problem they faced on health care. Can they find a governing coalition to pass anything in the House of Representatives?

MCEVERS: Scott, you covered the fight eight years ago to pass the Affordable Care Act, Obamacare. How tough was that for Democrats compared to what we’re seeing here for Republicans?

HORSLEY: Well, I think former President Obama and Nancy Pelosi must have had a little rueful smile when they heard President Trump complaining about how there was no Democratic support for this repeal and replace bill. Of course, there was no Republican support…

MCEVERS: Republican support, right. Right.

HORSLEY: …Seven years ago for the Affordable Care Act even though goodness knows president – former President Obama tried, I mean, and tried for months. Remember, that debate lasted over a year as he searched for that elusive one or two Republican votes. And in fact, he had basically adopted a Republican plan, Mitt Romney’s health care plan. So it’s a little rich to hear President Trump complaining now about the lack of Democratic support.

MCEVERS: You know, when something like this happens, you start to see finger pointing in Washington, Scott. Are we starting to hear people saying who’s to blame for this?

HORSLEY: You know, publicly it was all smiles and congratulations today…

MCEVERS: Yeah. Happy to work with my colleagues, yes.

HORSLEY: …President Trump saying – exactly. But I’m sure that the knives will be out and the finger pointing will start when the microphones are turned off.

MCEVERS: NPR White House correspondent Scott Horsley, thank you.

HORSLEY: Good to be with you.

MCEVERS: And NPR congressional correspondent Sue Davis, thanks a lot.

DAVIS: You bet.

(SOUNDBITE OF THE FUNK ARK SONG, “FROM THE ROOFTOPS”)

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