January 23, 2017

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Today in Movie Culture: 'Avengers: Infinity War' Trailers Tease, James Marsden in Green Lantern and More

Here are a bunch of little bites to satisfy your hunger for movie culture:

Production Photo of the Day:

Today was the start of production for Avengers: Infinity War in Atlanta, and the Russo Brothers are already showing us trailers (via ScreenCrush):

Hidden Camera Stunt of the Day:

Speaking of the MCU, Chris Evans surprised some comic shop customers to promote a Captain America-themed escape room for charity (via Geek Tyrant):

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Dream Casting of the Day:

With the shortlist out on whom Warner Bros. wants for Hal Jordan in Green Lantern Corps, BossLogic offers a look at his pick, James Marsden:

Quick piece on James Marsden as Hal, he basically is Green Lantern looks wise, and in my opinion a very underrated actor with great range pic.twitter.com/MfekXWZcS2

— BossLogic (@Bosslogic) January 23, 2017

Redone Trailer of the Day:

Darth Blender recreated the new Injustice 2 video game trailer with footage from old DC movies and TV series:

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Vintage Poster of the Day:

Christian Broutin designed this iconic poster for the French release of Francois Truffaut’s Jules and Jim, which was 55 years ago today:

Movie Culture Parody of the Day:

Aziz Ansari and Saturday Night Live poked fun of the idea that it’s not okay to not absolutely love La La Land:

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Bad Film Analysis of the Day:

Learn the hidden meaning of Watchmen from an alien in the future in the latest edition of Earthling Cinema:

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Cosplay of the Day:

It’s too bad Marvel Studios doesn’t own the rights to X-Men characters or Disney’s live-action Beauty and the Beast could have looked liked this (via Live for Films):

Marvel’s Beauty and the Beast

Reworked Movie of the Day:

In the R-rated version of Frozen, it’s Elsa who killed her and Anna’s parents. It’s also much gorier:

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Classic Trailer of the Day:

Today is the 70th anniversary of Lady in the Lake, the first-person POV detective movie. Watch the original trailer for the mystery classic below.

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and

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Dippin' Dots Beef Puts White House Press Secretary On The Spot

A staple of ballparks and malls, Dippin’ Dots has billed itself as the ice cream of the future. Travis Nicholson/Flickr hide caption

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Travis Nicholson/Flickr

Dippin’ Dots describes its product as “an unconventional ice cream treat that’s remarkably fresh and flavorful, introducing the world to beaded ice cream” and “the original and unbeatable flash-frozen ice cream sensation.” Donald Trump’s press secretary, Sean Spicer, disagrees. For years, he has mocked the company and its “ice cream of the future” on Twitter.

In tweets from 2010 and 2011, Spicer said Dippin’ Dots was not the ice cream of the future. In 2011, Spicer also tweeted a link to a Wall Street Journal article about the company’s bankruptcy, and in his caption described Dippin’ Dots as “Ice Cream of the Past.” In September 2015, Spicer complained, “If Dippin Dots was truly the ice cream of the future they would not have run out of vanilla,” tagging the Washington Nationals baseball team in an apparent to reference a shortage of vanilla Dippin’ Dots at Nationals Park.

we may not have inauguration attendance data yet, but one set of record turnout numbers are in:

Sean spicer’s angry dippin dots twetes pic.twitter.com/KSXlXLLEeB

— ?_? (@MikeIsaac) January 22, 2017

Since Spicer assumed the role of White House press secretary, these tweets have been making the rounds on the Internet, enough so for Dippin’ Dots to write an open letter to Spicer, asking to “be friends rather than foes” and offering an ice cream social to the White House and White House press corps.

Since that letter’s release, NPR reached out to Dippin’ Dots for further comment on the (one-sided) feud. Here’s what Billie Stuber, media relations manager for Dippin’ Dots, and Shama Hyder, who handles markets for the company, told us (questions and answers have been edited for clarity):


When did Dippin’ Dots realize that Sean Spicer had a beef with them?

Billie Stuber: [Laughter] Well, it was a bit of a surprise. We’re not used to beef. We’re friends with everyone. So we noticed [Sunday] some of his old tweets began to resurface and circulate.

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What was your thinking?

Stuber: I scratched my head a little bit at first, and I thought, “Really?” And I had to look back and I thought, “Yeah, that really is seven years old.” First we kinda watched. … And then as more folks started to talk about it … we began to get our brainpower all together and think about how we wanted to respond.

Whose idea was the open letter?

Stuber: The open letter was actually Shama’s idea.

Shama Hyder: As Billy mentioned, Dippin’ Dots tries to stay very out of the political scene, because the consumers are across the board. … Ice cream is probably the least political of things you can find. It’s about making friends and not foes. … The open letter isn’t just to Sean Spicer; it’s really to the customers as well. This is what Dippin’ Dots stands for. We’re really about building a brand that’s inviting, that’s encompassing. And when the customers say, “Hey, we want to hear from you,” they want to hear from us.

Was there any fear of being caught up in politics? Over the past few years we have seen brands like Skittles or M&M’s be caught up in some debates about politics and race that have gotten really testy. Were you guys scared?

Hyder: From a social media perspective, these things can go either way. It takes one person misreading something. So yeah, that was a concern, but [our CEO’s and] the Dippin’ Dots team’s greater concern was making sure that they responded to their customers. … People expected a response. … The idea of not being responsive to customers was just so much worse.

Part of your letter talks about making jobs for Americans, ideals people of both parties can get behind. How do you think the White House will respond to that message?

Stuber: I hope they do respond. We’re totally as about as American as you can get. Our headquarters are in Kentucky. The company’s 29 years old. We hope that he does respond, and maybe he can truly experience Dippin’ Dots in a different way.

Were you serious about having an ice cream party at the White House briefing Room?

Both: Absolutely!

Stuber: We are prepared. We were just counting how many pallets we would need to deliver to feed the White House. So I really hope he calls us on that one.


Spicer has yet to respond to NPR’s request to comment on #DotGate.

Meanwhile, he has been getting attention for another spat — this one with Target. A 2014 tweet seemed to pick a fight with the department store chain over milk, with Spicer writing, “come on @target — just realized the two gallons of milk you sold me expire tomorrow.” Target’s official Twitter account responded soon after that initial tweet, with their apologies.

come on @target — just realized the two gallons of milk you sold me expire tomorrow

— Sean Spicer (@seanspicer) March 17, 2014

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Rural Colorado's Opioid Connections Might Hold Clues To Better Treatment

Melissa Morris outside her home in Sterling, Colo. She quit using heroin in 2012, and now relies on the drug Suboxone to stay clean. She’s also been helping to find treatment for some of the neighbors she used to sell drugs to. Luke Runyon/Harvest Public Media hide caption

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Luke Runyon/Harvest Public Media

A doctor handed Melissa Morris her first opioid prescription when she was 20 years old. She’d had a cesarean section to deliver her daughter and was sent home with Percocet to relieve post-surgical pain. On an empty stomach, she took one pill and lay down on her bed.

“I remember thinking to myself, ‘Oh, my God. Is this legal? How can this feel so good?’ ” Morris recalls.

Soon, she started taking the pills recreationally. She shopped around for doctors who would write new prescriptions, frequenting urgent care clinics where doctors didn’t ask a lot of questions and were loose with their prescription pad.

Morris’s path started with Percocet and Vicodin, commonly prescribed pain medications for acute injuries and illnesses. When those drugs no longer got her high, she switched to Oxycontin pills. Then she started injecting Oxycontin. After that, she got her hands on Fentanyl patches, a highly addictive and potent opioid. She’d chew on them instead of applying them to skin as the package directed.

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When doctors got wise to Morris’ shopping tactics, her supplies of the pills diminished, and she turned to heroin, instead.

She started stealing to fund her addiction. Morris then got into the drug trade herself, dealing methamphetamine and other illicit substances, to raise money to buy more heroin.

“You can buy a gram of heroin for 50 bucks,” she says. It’s relatively cheap. “That’s why so many people here have turned to heroin.”

Morris lives in Sterling, Colo., a city of 14,000 that’s a two-hour drive northeast of Denver. The biggest employer is a state prison. Since 2002, the death rate from opioid overdoses in Logan County, which includes Sterling, has nearly doubled, according to data analyzed by the Colorado Health Institute. Morris says she has known at least 10 people in her community who have overdosed on a mix of drugs in the last few years.

Sterling is far from unique. Rural areas and small cities across the country have seen an influx not only in the prevalence of prescription opioids, but in illicit ones like heroin. According to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, opioids were involved in more than 33,000 deaths in 2015 — four times as many opioid-involved deaths as in 2000. A recent University of Michigan study found the rates of babies born with symptoms of withdrawal from opioids rising much faster in rural areas than urban ones.

Like Morris, many new heroin users find themselves using the drug after getting addicted to prescription drugs first. The CDC reports three out of four new heroin users report abusing prescription opioids prior to trying heroin. In the U.S., heroin-related deaths more than tripled between 2010 and 2015, with 12,989 heroin deaths in 2015.

As the drug use reaches into more communities across the country, researchers are scrambling to both diagnose what causes some people and some regions to be more susceptible to opioid abuse, and to devise solutions. Dr. Jack Westfall, a family physician and researcher at the University of Colorado and with the High Plains Research Network, works with a network of rural clinics and hospitals in the state. He says many doctors on the Plains are feeling frantic.

“We don’t know what to do with this wave of people who are using opioids,” he says. “They’re in the clinic, they’re in the ER, they’re in the hospital. They’re in the morgue, because they overdosed.”

For more than a decade, opioids have been a key part of a rural doctor’s pain management for patients, Westfall says. Treatment options are often fewer in a rural area; alternatives like physical therapy may not be available or convenient, so drugs are a prime option.

Some researchers think larger economic, environmental and social factors leave rural Americans at particular risk, says University of California, Davis, epidemiologist Magdalena Cerdá. After the 2008 recession, rural areas consistently lagged behind urban areas in the recovery, losing jobs and population.

“You have a situation where people might be particularly vulnerable to perhaps using prescription opioids to self-medicate a lot of symptoms of distress related to sources of chronic stress — chronic economic stress,” Cerdá says.

Plus, the specific types of jobs more prevalent in rural areas — like manufacturing, farming and mining — tend to have higher injury rates. That can lead to more pain, and possibly, to more painkillers.

In some ways, the social structures of rural regions contribute to the spread of illicit drugs, says Kirk Dombrowski, a sociologist at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln.

“One of the things that is counterintuitive to most of what we think of as [being part of life in] a small town is that rural people have much larger social networks than urban people,” Dombrowski says.

In some cases, his research suggests, rural residents know and interact with roughly double the number of people an average urban resident does — giving rural people more opportunities to know where to access drugs.

“So some of those social factors of being in a small town can definitely contribute,” he says.

“It’s not a fundamentally rural problem,” says, Tom Vilsack, Barack Obama’s secretary for the U.S. Department of Agriculture, who led the Obama administration’s interagency push to curb opioid abuse. “But it’s a unique problem in rural America because of the lack of treatment capacity and facilities.”

That lack of treatment is definitely a problem in Sterling, where patients often have to drive a long way to get care.

Melissa Morris relies on Suboxone, a prescription combination of buprenorphine and naloxone that’s used to help wean people off heroin or other opioids. Morris says she doesn’t get high when taking it, but does avoid the vomiting, diarrhea and sweating that comes with opioid withdrawal. She puts it under her tongue to let it dissolve and take effect.

Morris, who has been off heroin since 2012, makes a two-hour drive to a clinic to pick up her supply of Suboxone. It’s in short supply in many rural communities, in part because few rural doctors have gone through the required training to prescribe it.

There’s there’s a six-week waiting list to get an appointment with the only doctor in Sterling who is certified to prescribe the drug, Morris says. Other areas of Colorado’s eastern Plains have no doctors at all who are legally able to dispense Suboxone.

A new effort from University of Colorado researchers could help there, with plans to train 40 primary care doctors, their clinical care teams, and nurses in Colorado’s Plains and southern San Luis Valley.

Morris acknowledges that close social ties in her town may have contributed to the spread of opioids there; opioid users, she says, tend to “stick up for each other.” Those bonds can spread drug use quickly, but they also cut other ways, she says. Just recently she recruited two opioid-dependent friends to the clinic she goes to weekly for treatment.

“I used to sell them pill and heroin,” says Morris, who is now helping these friends get clean. “And so I do have hope. I’ve seen those success stories.”

This story comes to us from Harvest Public Media, a collaborative public media project reporting on important stories in rural America.

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