February 6, 2016

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Even A Broken Neck Couldn't Bury His Dream

Delvin Breaux, during a game against the New York Giants in November 2015.
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Delvin Breaux, during a game against the New York Giants in November 2015. Sean Gardner/Getty Images hide caption

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As part of a series called My Big Break, All Things Considered is collecting stories of triumph, big and small. These are the moments when everything seems to click, and people leap forward into their careers.

All football players know they’re one big hit away from the end of their career. Delvin Breaux was a high school senior with a scholarship on the line when he took one of those hits. It broke his neck.

But, nine years later, he has become one of the NFL’s top young defenders with the New Orleans Saints.

How did he manage such a feat? Well, Breaux says it’s a long story — one that began when he started playing football at age 4.

“Every day I used to wake up, I used to be like, ‘Hey, man, I’m gonna be in the NFL one day,’ ” he says. “You know, just watching the guys play on TV. It was just something that I always dreamed of.”

In high school, college coaches came in to recruit for schools all over the country — UCLA, USC, Virginia Tech, Virginia, Ohio State, Michigan. But Breaux says LSU — his “hometown team” — was the only school he wanted to attend.

Before he even got there, his life changed.

“The day I got seriously injured was Oct. 27, 2006,” Breaux recalls. “I shot down the left side of the field, just went in there and made the tackle. And next thing you know I was on the ground and everything just went dark.

“I couldn’t move or nothing, then I heard my teammates: ‘D Breaux, get up! We need you, man, get up!’ ” he says. “And I’m like, ‘I would but I can’t move.’ Then two or three seconds after I say that, a bright, white light just … appeared!”

He was able to open his eyes and stand up. Breaux started walking back to the sideline, getting ready to go back in.

“That’s when the sharp pain came and shot up the back of my neck. And I went to the sideline and told my dad that my neck’s hurting, and he was like, ‘Take some ibuprofen.’ And I couldn’t swallow the pills because my disc slipped out my esophagus.”

It turned out he had broken his C4, C5 and C6 vertebrae. Doctors put in screws, pins and rods to secure his neck, and there’s a scar in the front part of his esophagus where doctors put a plate in.

After that, the college teams stopped calling with offers.

“I was just so frustrated,” Breaux says. “I was like, ‘Man, my career’s over with. Can’t play ball no more, can’t pursue my dream. What am I gonna do next?’ And that’s all I kept thinking while I was in the hospital for that month.”

Luckily, he had committed early to play for LSU. The school kept him on scholarship, even though he was injured. But LSU would never clear him to play.

He ended up getting cleared by his own doctors, though.

“I went back home and told my wife, ‘Baby, I’m cleared to play football again.’ She said, ‘No, you’re lying.’ And I was like, ‘No, baby, look at the papers!’ Everything was cleared and there was no restrictions,” Breaux says. “And she was like, ‘Alright, well get your butt back on out there. It’s time to go play!’ “

In 2012 — for the first time in six years — he was back playing football, with the semipro Louisiana Bayou Vipers.

He didn’t know what to expect after being out of it for so long.

“Am I gonna be rusty? Am I gonna be great?” he wondered.

Breaux remembers it all coming down to one play.

“I think it was like the second play of the game. They ran the ball and they came my way. And I’m sitting up there like, ‘Man, I’ve got to make this tackle. They’re coming right to me. I’ve got to make this tackle. Please!’ And I went in and I made the tackle, and I jumped up and I’m like, ‘Man, I’m not dead. I’m not dead.’ “

His confidence regained, Breaux quickly started playing better. “I started ballin’ out,” he says. “I had an interception, I had two more tackles. I just started enjoying it. This is it — I’m back playing football again, I’m doing what I love, and now it’s time to get to the NFL.”

It wasn’t straight to the NFL, though. His next step was playing with the New Orleans VooDoo, an arena football team. After several months, he was recruited by the Hamilton Tiger Cats in Ontario, part of the Canadian Football League.

“My big break came after my CFL season. Recruiting felt like college all over again,” Breaux says. “I had a lot of teams wanting me — I would say 28 of the 32 NFL teams they had, I had workouts. Ended up signing with the Saints. I went through the physical process, and they were like, ‘You’re good to go!’ I’ve been pumped ever since.”

Despite the difficulties along the way, he never considered giving up football. People even told him to quit. But “that did nothing but add fuel to the fire,” Breaux says. “It made me want to go hard and work out extra hard. I was trying to show people that I’m not out of it, I’m still in it.

“My motivation and dedication and determination just wouldn’t let me quit,” he says. “It was always: Let’s do one more rep, let’s do one more set, you can make it, you’re gonna make it, just continue to keep believing.”

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Super Bowl Ads Past And Present: How Do They Stack Up?

Many consider Apple's 1984 Super Bowl ad, directed by Ridley Scott, one of the best Super Bowl ads ever.
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For lots of people Super Bowl Sunday isn’t even about the football, it’s about the commercials. Over the years, advertising spots during the Super Bowl have become more elaborate, more talked about and more expensive than ever.

CBS, which is airing Super Bowl 50 this Sunday, is charging advertisers between $4.8 and $5 million for a 30-second spot. That’s up from a $4.4 million average cost last year, and $2.5 million a decade ago, according to Kantar Media. Last year’s game drew a record 114.4 million viewers, with even more expected this year.

With the hefty price tag for television time, advertisers are integrating social media and online advertising to try to maximize exposure. And companies are even putting the ads on YouTube in advance of the Big Game.

So what should we expect this year?

“Compared to last year we’re really seeing much more fun,” says Jeanine Poggi, who covers the TV industry for Advertising Age. This year’s Super Bowl will be “a lot more star-studded,” she told NPR’s Michel Martin. Poggi says this year’s ads include about 40 celebrities, up from about 28 last year.

In this ad for Bud Light, Amy Schumer and Seth Rogen say America’s shared love of beer will bring the country together:

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If you’ve ever wondered what it would be like to see Jeff Goldblum sing and play a piano as it goes up the side of an apartment building, here’s your chance:

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Christopher Walken says socks can be exciting, and so can the Kia Optima:

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This is after last year, when most of the talked-about ads took a serious tone.

“We actually were kind of dubbing it the ‘Somber Bowl,'” Poggi says. “There was cyber bullying, domestic abuse.”

This Nationwide commercial from last year about a boy who got killed from preventable household accidents got a lot of backlash:

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“That’s just depressing,” says Poggi, who says that serious ads do tend to outperform humorous ones. “But, if you have a Super Bowl filled with these depressing, sad [ads] none of them stand out from each other.”

The Super Bowl is one of the few times advertisers can get a massive audience in the age of Netflix and hundreds of cable channels.

And how do the modern ads stack up against some old favorites?

Michael Hiltzik argued in the Los Angeles Times that no Super Bowl ad will ever top the 1984 Apple ad for the Macintosh computer, which set the standard that Super Bowl ads should be different:

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Some lists put this 1979 Mean Joe Greene ad for Coca-Cola as one of the best, maybe because many people still remember it:

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The Budweiser frogs ad from 1995 was a simple concept. But at least you remember what it was for:

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And USA Today puts this McDonald’s ad with Larry Bird and Michael Jordan at the top of its list:

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A Voter's Guide To The Health Law Chatter

Republican presidential hopeful Sen. Ted Cruz initially claimed his private insurance had been canceled. It turned out his insurer had transferred him to a plan with a narrow network of providers.

Republican presidential hopeful Sen. Ted Cruz initially claimed his private insurance had been canceled. It turned out his insurer had transferred him to a plan with a narrow network of providers. Andrew Burton/Getty Images hide caption

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Nearly six years after its enactment, the Affordable Care Act remains a hot issue in the presidential race – in both parties.

“Our health care is a horror show,” said GOP candidate Donald Trump at the Republican debate in South Carolina in December. Texas Sen. Ted Cruz, winner of the Iowa caucuses, said at the debate in Des Moines that the health law has been “a disaster,” adding it’s “the biggest job-killer in our country.”

Democrats largely support the law, but even they can’t agree on how to fix its problems. Hillary Clinton said at the Jan. 25 town hall on CNN that she wants to “build on the ACA. Get costs down, but improve it, get to 100 percent coverage.”

Clinton’s rival for the nomination, Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, acknowledged that “the Affordable Care Act has done a lot of good things,” but added that “the United States today is the only major country on earth that doesn’t guarantee health care to all people as a right.” Sanders is pushing a government-run “Medicare for All” plan instead.

In some cases candidates are bending the truth. But praise and criticisms of the law can be accurate. That’s because the health law is so big and sweeping that it has had effects both positive and negative.

Here is a brief guide to some things the health law has – and has not – accomplished since it was signed by President Barack Obama in 2010.

CLAIM: The law has increased the number of people with health insurance coverage.

This is true, no matter what measure you use. The Census Bureau and polling firm Gallup both found substantial drops in the percentage of people without health insurance after the majority of the law’s coverage expansions took effect in 2014.

COUNTER-CLAIM: There are still millions of Americans who don’t have insurance.

This is also true. Even though approximately 90 percent of Americans now have insurance, that remaining 10 percent amounts to more than 30 million people.

Millions aren’t eligible for coverage under the law because they’re not in the U.S. legally. Another 3 million are in the so-called Medicaid gap, meaning they would be eligible for Medicaid under the ACA except their states opted not to accept the expansion after the Supreme Court effectively ruled the expansion optional.

Still others are eligible to purchase coverage on a health insurance exchange, but either can’t afford it, don’t think the insurance available offers a good value, or don’t know they are legally required to obtain it. An estimated 7.5 million Americans paid a fine to the IRS for failing to get covered in 2014; millions more were exempt from the requirement and didn’t have coverage.

In recognition of the fact that enrollment has been smaller than expected, the Congressional Budget Office recently lowered its projections for those who will buy insurance under the law from 21 million to 13 million in 2016.

CLAIM: The ACA has fixed the dysfunctional individual insurance market.

Prior to the passage of the health law, millions of people who didn’t have work-based or government coverage were shut out of buying their own insurance because they had been sick or because the coverage offered did not cover the services they needed.

The law aimed to address the problems in the individual market in several ways, including requiring insurers to sell to those with preexisting conditions at the same price as healthier people; standardizing the benefits package; and limiting the size of deductibles. Tax credits were made available in order to help people afford coverage. And the law created insurance exchanges intended to help consumers compare, choose, sign up and pay for health insurance.

How well these changes succeeded in stabilizing the market isn’t clear. What is clear is that more people are now insured through the market.

COUNTER-CLAIM: The ACA has made the individual market worse.

All is not well in the individual market. Even with help paying premiums, many moderate-income Americans are finding that their deductibles and copayments are so high they cannot afford to use their insurance.

In other cases, individuals can get insurance they can afford to use, but it doesn’t include their regular doctors and hospitals. In fact, plans that do offer coverage outside of the insurer’s network are becoming harder to find and more expensive.

That change affected Cruz, who initially claimed his private insurance had been cancelled. In fact, his insurer had stopped offering his broad-choice plan and automatically transferred him to a narrow-network product.

CLAIM: The ACA has improved the Medicare program.

While most of the law was aimed at those without insurance, lawmakers also took the opportunity to beef up some benefits for the 55 million Americans in the Medicare program.

Medicare enrollees got new coverage for preventive services and annual checkups, and those with high prescription drug expenses got help to fill the “doughnut hole” gap left by the 2003 Medicare drug program.

Over the longer term, the law created several payment experiments intended to improve the quality of care Medicare patients receive and lower costs. These include efforts to prevent patients from going back to the hospital after they’ve been discharged.

COUNTER-CLAIM: The ACA has not saved money for Medicare.

The rate of increase in Medicare spending has slowed since the health law was passed in 2010. But it’s not clear how much of that can be attributed to the law, aside from some provisions that actually cut payments to hospitals and other health providers.

And some of the most highly anticipated projects, including accountable care organizations that are paid bonuses for keeping Medicare patients healthy and lowering spending, have not so far shown very good results.

CLAIM: The ACA has killed jobs.

One of Republicans’ favorite talking points – that the health law would depress employment – has turned out not to be the case.

An analysis in 2015 by the Urban Institute found that the health law “had virtually no adverse effect on labor force participation; employment; the probability of part-time work; and hours worked per week by nonelderly adults.”

While there would be fewer people in the workforce due to the law, the Congressional Budget Office found in 2014 that “almost entirely” stems from voluntary actions by workers who could quit because they no longer depended on their jobs for insurance — now they could buy it on their own.

CLAIM: The ACA has slowed overall health spending.

The White House trumpeted the fact that health spending grew at its slowest rates ever between 2010 and 2013. But health policy analysts are still engaged in a lively debate about how much of the slowdown was attributable to the recession, to the health law and to other changes in the health care system.

Meanwhile, the rate of spending has begun to accelerate again, jumping from a 2.9 percent increase in 2013 to 5.3 percent in 2014. That has occurred as millions more Americans gained access to health care through the law.

Kaiser Health News is an editorially independent news service that is part of the nonpartisan Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation. Julie Rovner is on Twitter: @jrovner.

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